How Electron Configuration Accounts for Ion Formation

Consider electron configuration as it applies to the periodic table and explain in detail how this accounts for the formation of ions.
Elements are arranged in the periodic table (see figure 1) according to their electronic configuration, which describes the number and arrangement of electrons in an atom, helping to make sense of the chemistry of an element. The notion of Electron configuration was first highlighted with the Bohr model, in which the electron shells were orbits at a fixed distance from the nucleus of an atom, and it is still common to speak of atomic structures in terms of shells and sub-shells. An electron shell is the set of atomic orbitals which share the same prinicpal quantum number n (Krauskopf 1995) – the number before the letter in the oribital label. Orbitals are filled in the order of increasing n+1, where two orbitals have the same value of n+1, they are filled in order of increasing n ( This gives the following order for filling the orbitals:
1s 2s 2p 3s 3p 4s 3d 4p 5s 4d 5p 6s 4f 5d 6p 7s 5f 6d 7p
If we look at this in relation to the periodic table we can see that starting with Hydrogen (which has one electron) going across to Helium having two. These two electrons have no filled up the first ‘shell’, called 1s. The next ‘shell’, 2s, is filled by Lithium and Beryllium. Moving across to the 2p sub shell (1p does not exist) – B, C, N, O, F, Ne. Each whole (one row in the table) ‘shell’ holds 8 electrons (with the S sub-shell holding 2 electrons, and the p sub-shell holding 6). So the second shell, looking at one row of the periodic table, is Li and Be (2s), and B, C, N, O, F, and Ne (2p). The elements of group 2 of the perdioic table have an electron configuration of [E]ns2 (where [E] is an inert gas configuration, taken from Those elements grouped together in the periodic table have notable similarities in their chemical properties (Drever 1997).
Electrons fill energy levels according to the Aufbau principle – the principle that the electron configurations of atoms build up according to a set of rules. The three rules are that:

Electrons go into the orbital at the lowest available energy level
Each orbital can only contain at most two electrons (with opposite spins)
Where there are two or more orbitals at the same energy, they fill singly before the electrons pair up.

Figure 1: Periodic Table of Elements
‘Valence electrons’ are the electrons contained in the outer shell (commonly called the ‘valence shell’) of an atom, and are important in determining the chemical properties of an element (Krauskopf 1995). As a result of this, elements with the same number of valence electrons are grouped together in the period table. As a general rule, the fewer electrons an atom holds, the less stable it becomes and the more likely it is to react. Conversely the more complete the valence shell is the more inert an atom is and the less likely it is to chemically react. Elements in the same group of the periodic table have similar properties because they have the same outer electron configuration.

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There are trends in properties down a group because of the shielding effect of the increasing number of inner full shells (Drever 1997). Electrons are able to move from one energy level to another by emission or absorption of a quantum of energy, in the form of a photon ( It is this gain or loss of energy that can trigger an electron to move to another shell or even break free from the atom and it’s valence shell. When an electron absorbs/gains more photons, then it moves to a more outer shell depending on the amount of energy the electron contains and has gained due to absorption. When an election releases/loses photons, then it moves to a more inner shell depending on the amount of energy the electron contains and has lost.
If we use fluorine as an example, we can see that the full electron configuration of Fluorine is 1s2s2p5 (F is 5th from the left in p-block, one behind Neon so has 5 2p electrons). The valence electrons are 2s2p5 as there are two shells and these electrons are in the outer one. The key point is that atoms like to have a whole shell of 8 electrons, as this makes them more stable. As we can see from figure 1, Fluorine has only 7 electrons (7th from the right on the second row). It really wants to gain an electron (to be like Neon) in order to have 8, and complete its shell. Fluorine is, therefore, very reactive and ‘steals’ and electron off anything it can find. When it does this it gains an electron and becomes a negative ion – F– (1s2s2p6). The reverse of this is Sodium (1s2s2p3s1), where 3s1 are the valence electrons. It really wants to loose this one extra electron to become 1s2s2p8 like Neon. It looses an electron and becomes a positive ion (Na+).
Baird, C. (1995) Environmental Geochemistry. USA: W.H. Freeman and Company
Drever, J.I. (1997) The Geochemistry of Natural Waters. London: Prentice-Hall
Krauskopf, K.B, Bird D.K. (1995) Introduction to Geochemistry. USA: McGraw-Hill
Howard A.G. (1998) Aquatic Environmental Chemistry. Oxford: Science Publications
Garrels, R. M., and J. C.Christ. (1965). Solutions, minerals, and equilibria. San Francisco: Freeman, Cooper.
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What Is Spiritual Formation Religion Essay

When asking the question, what is spiritual formation, there can be great difficulty in recognizing the specific area of focus. This would be due to the great amount of variety within the sphere of such a topic regarding the presuppositions many people can bring to it. However there is a consistent undercurrent that ties the definitions together into a relative coherent understanding. According to Dallas Willard, spiritual formation is the process where one moves and is moved from self-worship to Christ-centered self-denial as a general condition of life in God’s present and eternal kingdom.  In this, there is a more detailed analysis in describing its meaning. Spiritual formation begins with God and the relationship with him and fellow brethren. It is by virtue of the Holy Spirit’s work in regeneration and conforming the believer into the image of Christ through his indwelling, guiding, gifting, filling, and empowering those saved for God’s glory. The foundation of such a formation is found through the Scripture as the only and primary source of all truth. The responsibility of the Christian is a relentless pursuit in being Christ-like in all facets of life through a new nature. Such formation is the fruit of what one has already become, an adopted child of God, and not works alone to achieve an imaginary level of spiritual attainment. The methodology of such an endeavor is not prescribed as a checklist for every believer, but rather differentiates for each person as God sees fit for them.

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Biblical Instruction
As stated in the introduction there is a number of reference points pertaining to Biblical instruction regarding spiritual formation. Although such terminology is not specifically found in every instance, the idea in what it represents is plentiful. The primary area many refer to is the fruits of the Spirit in Galatians 5:22-23. With this area of Scripture, the results are listed from leading a life under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. It would be considered a measure of progress in some ways to see how one is coming through the sanctification process. It should be noted, however, that there would be an ebb and flow to such a device in that some seasons may be more fruitful in patience and love as opposed joy and peace introspectively. In order to attain such fruits however, one must be diligent to know the One in whom he is following. A thorough study of His attributes that which makes up His character, is imperative in attaining any growth whatsoever. Through such knowledge is a child of God to begin the process in a more fruitful way than foregoing it. Without this concrete foundation, much of the growth will be experience alone, which is not biblical. Knowing who Christ is through his attributes is the only way one can attain the spiritual growth as guided by the Holy Spirit.
From this one should then go to the Sermon on the Mount in helping to determine what a Christian should look like. The descriptive values in what and how the Christian should be would more readily translate into the fruits seen previously. Christ teaches what the believer must be like as a standard of behavior and life within the heart in accordance with the holiness of God. Being separate from the world and unto Him is a fundamental truth that without, one cannot attain the fruit of the Spirit. The division of what should be done and what should be avoided, in essence, what delineates the world from those chosen of God instills the rock of truth to rely upon
Personal Experience
In reflecting upon one’s own experience in relation to spiritual formation, a great number of those who call themselves Christian can only describe such a term as prayer time and possibly praise and worship in certain circles. For the most part it is classified as an emotional experience one has with the work of the Spirit. The form that it arrives is through clearing the mind or through music in service. These functions among others are more related to tradition than Scripture. In personal experience, it becomes a more concrete arena. What Scripture says to do, do. What Scripture says not to do, do not do. In this there is a certain requirement to know the difference and that itself can only be accomplished through much work and study in Scriptures. Most who identify as being Christians who want a greater awareness of God actually looks for and attains a easier yet non-Biblical methodology of self-interpretation apart from Scripture. There is no work in exegetical discernment and simple prayer in acquiring a greater knowledge of God which, then, leads to the greater awareness of Him. One cannot occur apart from the other, no matter how trivial the spiritual exercises may be.
Coincidentally, it is in Westerhoff’s work that sees both sides of the coin blended into one unifying theme. In his chapter discussing the development of spiritual discipline, there are areas that are beneficial to the Christian and areas that are not. Coincidentally, those that do help deal more with the external as opposed to the internal. Finding a time and place that is consistent in reading Scripture helps to develop a consistency which coincides with repetition in going back to the Bible daily. Journaling helps in recalling areas one believes the Spirit is taking him in relation to any given question or issue currently being dealt with. It also provides a timeline of posterity for future generations to read through. A spiritual friend which is a fancy way of saying Christian Brother is good for edification and encouragement through prayer and study time. Coupled with these areas are exercises that dwell on the internal of the person involved. Picturing, pondering, and praying of the Lectio Divina borders on the Eastern Mysticism and Catholic heritage of attempting to draw closer to God through works. In clearing the mind of no thought, breathing exercises, good posture, and repeating a mantra to better focus on Scripture only clears the way for self-reflection unto sanctification.  
The entire effort of Spiritual Formation as a whole combines the Biblical with the non-Biblical under the contemplative ministry. It is rooted in Catholic pietistic mysticism with its emphasis on discipleship. It is espoused of righteousness by works by attempting to reach God by its own strength. Many Christians, who do not study as they should, take for granted what is spoken to them by leaders in the church in whom they trust, and assume it is true. It has been attributed to CH Spurgeon of the saying, “Discernment is not simply a matter of telling the difference between what is right and wrong; rather it is the difference between right and almost right.” It is in this piece of wisdom the Christian should reflect upon when determining whether they should follow to the letter that which is summarily grouped under Spiritual Formation.

Contributory Factors To Formation Of ECOWAS

Economic of West African State ECOWAS and SADC Southern African Development are two of the numerous regional integration bodies in Africa. While ECOWAS is one of the bodies that focus on West African economies, SADC focuses on southern African Economies.
ECOWAS is a regional body created on 25th May, 1975 during its first conference in Lagos, where it treaty was signed. The idea of having a united west African body was first proposed by the then Nigerian head of staff, Yakubu Gowon. His idea was to collectively achieve a self-sufficiency through integration of the sixteen West African countries into an economic block with a single market controlled around an economic and monetary union.the community started with a5 members. Later on Cape Verde joined in 1976, but Mutituana withdrew it membership in December 2000. At the moment, the commission has 15 members namely Benin, Ghana, Benin, Nigeria, Sierra Leone ,Liberia, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Senegal, Togo, Gambia, Cape Verde and Burkina Faso. Niger and Guinea have both been suspended due to coup d’état incidences. in detail, the main objective of ECOWAS is to promote co-operation and integration in order to create an economic and monetary union for encouraging economic growth and development in West Africa, through:

The suppression of customs duties and equivalent taxes
the establishment of a common external tariff;
the harmonization of economic and financial policies
the creation of a monetary zone.

However, due to the slow pace encountered in implementing this treaties, the treaty was revised in Continuo in Benin on July 23, 1993. The new treaty adopted a less rigid collaboration. The new treaty subdivided ECOWAS into The Commission, The Community Parliament, The Community Court OF Justice, ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID). These institutions are intended to be the tools used to implement their policies.
Southern African Development Community (SADC), in like manner, is a regional integration body that encapsulates Southern African countries. It is an intergovernmental organization that primarily aims at achieving greater socio-economic corporation and integration as well as political and security collaborations among it 15 member states. The current day SADC is actually product of the formerly existing Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), which was formed in 1980. As the name of SADCC implies, it was only a conference since 1980 until the treaty was signed in Windhoek, Namibia, on 17th august, 1992 and SADC was formally created. After the signing of the treaty, it seized from being a coordinated conference to being a development community. The members are mainly southern African countries, namely: Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
The core objectives of SADC are:
Harmonise political and socio-economic policies and plans of Member States;
Mobilise the peoples of the region and their institutions to take initiatives to develop economic, social and cultural ties across the region, and to participate fully in the implementation of the programmes and projects of SADC;
Create appropriate institutions and mechanisms for the mobilisation of requisite resources for the implementation of the programmes and operations of SADC and its institutions;
Develop policies aimed at the progressive elimination of obstacles to free movement of capital and labour, goods and services, and of the peoples of the region generally within Member States;
Promote the development of human resources;
Promote the development, transfer and mastery of technology;
Improve economic management and performance through regional cooperation;
Promote the coordination and harmonisation of the international relations of Member States;
Secure international understanding, cooperation and support, mobilise the inflow of public and private resources into the region; and
Develop such other activities as Member States may decide in furtherance of the objectives of SADC.
On 14 August 2001, the 1992 SADC treaty was revised. The revision shows a change in the structure, policies and measures of SADC. One of the transformations is that political and security cooperation is included in the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS). To achieve it objectives, the organisation was subdivided into 8 bodies. i.e. The Summit, comprising heads of state or heads of government, are at the top .OPDS, the Council of Ministers, Tribunal, SADC National Committees (SNCs), and the Secretariat.
The formation of both bodies (ECOWAS and SADC) have been necessitated and expedited by many factors ranging from social, geographic, economic, political and security factors. In the subsequent chapter, we shall discuss these factors in detail.
Economic Factors
Economic factor is one important factor that contributed to the formation of ECOWAS and SADC. Normally countries where they form economic Integration they have stable and close economic condition. The aim of this chapter is to compare the economic condition of member of ECOWAS and SADC. In this chapter we will investigate about key economic Indicators such as GDP (PPP), GDP (real growth rate), and Inflation Rate, Exchange rate, Current account balance and Central bank discount rate.
GDP (Purchasing power parity )
First Key indicator is GDP (PPP). Following graph shows the difference between members of ECOWAS. The average GDP of ECOWAS is 35.63 Billion. Nigeria got the highest GDP between member rest of countries are bellow 50 billion USD per year.
So we can say somehow they have similar condition in GDP (PPP) and their GDP is almost close to each other.
GDP – Real growth rate
Second Economic factor is Real GDP growth rate, because of 2009 finical crisis we cannot have clear picture of economic growth of ECOWAS, however the graph shows that only one member of ECOWAS experienced negative growth rate in 2009 and rest of countries experienced positive growth rate. The average growth rate is 3.2
Inflation rate
Average inflation in ECOWAS is 6.08% and Ghana got the highest inflation rate in ECOWAS which is 19.6% , and Niger got the lowest interest rate which is 0.1%
Exchange Rate
6 members of 15 members of ECOWAS use one kind of currency which Financiere Africaine francs (XOF) and their exchange rate is 1 USD = 481.35 XOF. So using one single currency make it easier for countries to form and an economic integration and member of ECOWAS have this advantage and it make them to be more successful to reach their economic goals
Current Account Balance:
Following graph shows the current account balance of ECOWAS member. CoteDIvoire is the only country which had positive current account balance in year 2009 which was 65 Million USD. Average current account balance is negative – $16440 million.
Central Bank Discount rate
8 members of ECOWAS have same central bank discount rate which is 4.75%. highest discount rate between member countries belongs to Ghana. Having same discount rate is positive points for countries where they want to form an Economic Integration.
GDP (Purchasing power parity )
First Kye indicator is GDP (PPP). Following graph shows the difference between members of SADC. The average GDP of ECOWAS is 76.67 Billion. South Africa got the highest GDP between member most of countries are bellow 25 billion USD per year.
So we can say somehow they have similar condition in GDP (PPP) and their GDP is almost close to each other.
GDP – Real growth rate
Second Economic factor is Real GDP growth rate, because of 2009 finical crisis we cannot have clear picture of economic growth of SADC, however the graph shows that 6 members of SADC experienced negative growth rate in 2009 and rest of countries experienced positive growth rate. The average growth rate is 0.33
Inflation rate
Average inflation in SADC is 10.51%. Seychelles got the highest inflation rate in SADC which is 34%, In other hand Mauritius got the lowest interest rate which is 0.1%. over all they have similar condition.
Exchange Rate
Average exchange rate between SADC member countries is 1 USD = 836.1. The highest rate belongs to Lesotho and the lowest rate is for Zambia.
Current Account Balance:
Following graph shows the current account balance of SADC members. 3 countries have positive current account balance in year 2009. The average Current account balance is – $165 Million. Angola got the best situation which shows that Angola’s export is higher than its Import. However the rest of members got almost similar condition and their balance is almost near each other
Central Bank Discount rate
Following graph shows central bank’s discount rate of SADC members the lowest rate belongs to Mozambique which is 9.95 and highest belongs to Angola which is 19.57. the average rate is 13.65%.If we look closely we can see that the rates are very close to each other. and lending condition is almost similar in members country.
Social and cultural factor
By overview the factor of formation of both African union (ECOWAS and SADC), similarity of society can be claim as one of the factor toward the formation for both of the union. Due to geographical reason, nations that locate in same regions will affect each other in any of their decision making. Moreover, society daily activity or culture may also spread easier from one nation to another within a region due to easier of contact in geographical reason.

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Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was created on May 28, 1975 by signed of Treaty of Lagos. It is a regional group of 16 West African countries namely, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’ ivore, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and lastly Togo. ECOWAS was form for the purpose to achieve “collective self-sufficient” for the member states by means of economic and monetary union creating a single large trading bloc. Despite the wide variety of cultures in West Africa, from Nigeria through to Senegal, there are general similarities in dress, cuisine, music and culture that are not shared extensively with groups outside the geographic region.
Islam is the predominant historical religion of the West African interior and the far west coast of the continent; Christianity is the predominant religion in coastal regions of Nigeria, Ghana, and Cote d’Ivoire; and elements of indigenous religions are practiced throughout. Along with historic migrations, these religions have culturally linked the peoples of West Africa more than those in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. Traditionally, musical and oral history as conveyed over generations by Griots are typical of West African culture. Many of the religious practices are Islamic, but most are Christian. However, over 50% of the West African populations are Islamic.
Mbalax, Highlife, Fuji and Afro beat are all modern musical genres which enjoin listeners in this region. A typical formal attire worn in this region is the flowing Boubou (also known as Agbada and Babariga), which has its origins in the clothing of nobility of various West African empires in the 12th century. The Djembe drum, whose origins lie with the Mandinka peoples, is now a popularly played drum among many West African ethnic groups. The Kora is a 21-string harp-lute of Mandinkan origin, played by various groups in the region. The Djembe, Kora, the silk Kente cloth of the Akan. Peoples of Ghana and the distinct Sudano-Sahelian architectural style seen in the many mosques of the region are the primary symbolic icons of West African culture. The game Oware is quite popular in many parts of West Africa. Soccer is also a pastime enjoyed by many, either spectating or playing. The national teams of some West African nations, especially Nigeria, Ghana and the Ivory Coast, regularly qualify for the World Cup.
Britain controlled The Gambia, Sierra Leone, Ghana, and Nigeria throughout the colonial era, while France unified Senegal, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, Côte d’Ivoire and Niger into French West Africa. Portugal founded the colony of Guinea-Bissau, while Germany claimed Togoland, but was forced to divide it between France and Britain following First World War. Only Liberia retained its independence, at the price of major territorial concessions.
Southern African Development Community (SADC) was formed in 1980. The origins of SADC lie in the 1960s and 1970s, when the leaders of majority-ruled countries and national liberation movements coordinated their political, diplomatic and military struggles to bring an end to colonial and white-minority rule in southern Africa. The immediate forerunner of the political and security cooperation leg of today’s SADC was the informal Front Line States (FLS) grouping. SADC do have 15 members (Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa, Mauritius, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Seychelles, and Madagascar(suspended)) which all of them are from southern part of Africa.
Southern Africa is home to many cultures and people. It was once populated by San, Namaqua and Pygmies in widely-dispersed concentrations. Due to the Bantu expansion which edged the previous peoples to the more remote areas of the region, the majority of ethnic groups in this region, including the Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi, Ndebele, Tswana, Sotho, and Shona people, BaLunda, Mbundu, Kikuyu and Luo, speak languages which share common Bantu language traits. The process of colonization and settling resulted in a significant population of European (Afrikaners, Anglo-Africans, Portuguese Africans, etc.) and Asian descent (Cape Malays, Koreans, Indians, etc.) in many southern African countries. The region has a wide diversity of ecoregions including grassland, bushveld, karoo, savanna and riparian zones. Even though considerable disturbance has occurred in some regions from habitat loss due to human overpopulation, there remain significant numbers of various wildlife species, including White Rhino, lion, leopard, impala, kudu, blue Wildebeest, Vervet monkey and elephant. Moreover most of the southern Africa country did produce raw material like gold, diamonds, and iron ore.
Political and security factors
Besides trade and the benefit of the efficiencies of a regional market, the reason for the establishment of a regional block, is to promote political progress, more especially for government which have been installed due to majority votes of its electorates and the population in a democratic election. The report stresses democratically elected government for a few reasons:
To ensure that checks and balances are properly in place, thereby preventing against the concentration of power in a particular political office.
To ensure that the views of the people are properly addressed, somewhat ensuring that the government is installed to ensure socio-economic development.
These and some others are the reasons why we focus on democratically elected government.
Furthermore, there are presently 16 countries in the ECOWAS, with the exception of Republic of Guinea and the Republic of Niger which recently were taken over by military juntas ( more on these nations will follow ) all the other members of the ECOWAS countries are ruled by democratically elected governments.
In December of 2008 a military coup led by a junior officer in the Guinean army, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, seized power in a bloodless coup after the death of president Lansana conte, after years of hanging on to power. As mention earlier, the report focuses on democratic governments and this was displayed when people were killed by the military under the new government. Human Rights Watch accused members of the presidential guard of carrying out a premeditated massacre of at least 150 people at the rally and raping dozens of women.
The ousted president of the republic is president Mamadou Tandja, who dissolved parliament after the country’s constitutional court ruled against plans to hold a referendum on whether to allow him a third term in office. According to the constitution, a new parliament was elected within three months.This touched off a political struggle between Tandja, trying to extend his term-limited authority beyond 2009 through the establishment of a Sixth Republic, and his opponents who demanded that he step down at the end of his second term in December 2009.
Besides the example of Guinea and Niger, the political situation in the western Africa sub region, have been marred by conflicts, civil, societal, political and violent changes in government and revolts.
In Sierra Leone, the Congo and Liberia, we have conflicts that erupted from the disagreements for the control of the nations vast deposits of Diamonds. This act put these countries in a state of chaos, and also led to the enslavement of individuals, some of whom were used to mine for diamonds at gun point. There were also reports of child soldiers in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The conflict in sierra loane was reportedly initiated by a former corporal in the sierra leoeneian army, Foday Sanko, and he was rumored to be supported by former rebel leader and president of Liberia president Charles Taylor. After years of conflicts, these nations have however achieved relative peace, with new and hopefully stable democratic governments.
The political situation in the southern region of Africa is one of relative peace and stability. With the exception of Zimbabwe which has had some unrest due to a change in government policies and a shift in the political situation of the nation. The same also lies for Madagascar, which had a change of government in a bloodless coup, by the mayor of the capital (Antananarivo); the nation was subsequently suspended from the SADC after the fact.
Regional peace and security
ECOWAS became concerned early on with peace and regional security which are necessary factors in the socio-economic development of the Member States. Thus, the Authority of Heads of State and Government adopted a non-aggression protocol in 1978, a defence assistance protocol in 1981 and a declaration of political principles in July 1991. This declaration which is a plea for democratic principles in the sub-region condemns unequivocally any seizure of power by force of arms. It must also be pointed out that in 1990 the Authority of Heads of State and Government created an ECOWAS cease-fire follow-up group called ECOMOG. This peace-keeping force had cause to intervene in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau.
After it had been deployed in the Republic of Liberia in August 1990, ECOMOG worked there to restore peace, ensure security and law and order. It also engaged in many humanitarian activities aimed at reducing the sufferings of the people. In sum, ECOMOG helped considerably to create favourable conditions for the holding in Liberia of the free and democratic presidential and parliamentary elections of 19 July 1997.
Eleven Member States of ECOWAS provided contingents for the operations in Liberia these are: Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo.Two other African States also participated, Uganda and Tanzania.
The intervention of ECOMOG forces in Sierra Leone occurred following the overthrow of the lawful government of this country headed by President Ahmed Teejan KABBAH. In February 1998, ECOMOG restored constitutional legality and reinstated the government of the democratically elected President.
All the antagonists in the conflict, namely, the lawful government, the RUF rebels and the members of the (AFRC) military Junta signed in Lome in September 1999 an agreement protocol on the final settlement of the Sierra Leonean crisis. Following the appeals made to the international community for it to give meaningful assistance for a final restoration of peace, a United Nations peace-keeping force “UNAMSIL” replaced ECOMOG forces in Sierra Leone. The ECOWAS countries which provided contingents for ECOMOG operations in Sierra Leone are Ghana, Guinea, Mali and Nigeria.
In June 1998, units of the armed forces of Guinea Bissau led by the former Chief of Defence Staff went into rebellion. On account of the bilateral defence and security agreements that linked his country to Guinea and Senegal, President Joao Bernardo Vieira asked for the intervention of the armed forces of these two countries. At the request of the lawful authorities of Guinea Bissau and in order to reaffirm its support for the elected government of Guinea Bissau, the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government decided to restore peace and reinstate President Vieira in authority over the entire country. A mechanism for supervision and control of the cease-fire was set up by ECOWAS with the contingents of soldiers sent by Benin, Niger and Togo.
In spite of the numerous cease-fire agreements signed between the parties to the conflict in Guinea Bissau, the democratically elected government of President Vieira was finally overthrown. Drawing lessons from this failure and in order to reinforce peace and security in West Africa, the Executive Secretariat of ECOWAS initiated the establishment of a mechanism for the prevention, management and settlement of conflicts and for the maintenance of peace and security in the sub-region.
The ECOWAS Mechanism For Conflict Prevention, Management And Resolution, Peace-Keeping And Security
Our sub-region has been ravaged in recent times by violent upheavals which, each time, have resulted in the wholesale loss of human lives, wanton destruction of property, and suffering and desolation for the innocent civilian population.
These civilians are frequently pushed by famine and disease into taking refuge in neighboring countries or becoming displaced persons within their own countries.
It is fortunate that on each occasion, the ECOWAS sub-region, unlike the other regions in Africa, has been able to set in motion ad hoc conflict resolution procedures which have made it possible to circumscribe its crises. ECOWAS peace-keeping activities have in the main been considered commendable despite a few shortcomings noted.
However, in view of the heavy human, material and financial cost of such conflicts and their negative impact on the development of the states concerned and on the sub-regional integration process, it has now become necessary to shift emphasis from conflict resolution to conflict prevention.
To this end, but also for better management of full scale conflicts as well as internal crises which are now the most common, the Heads of States and Government decided at their meeting in Lome on 17 December 1997, to establish a mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution and for peace-keeping. The scope of the mechanism would be extended to include security-related issues.
With respect to conflict prevention, management and resolution, appropriate proposals were advanced regarding the establishment of an observation and monitoring system and a number of organs that would assist in containing and defusing imminent conflicts. The observation system would consist essentially in the establishment of a regional network within which states would be grouped into zones. A Regional Observation and Monitoring Centre should be established within the Executive Secretariat to give warning of impending crisis. All information having a bearing on regional peace an security collected by zonal bureaux would be transmitted to the centre. The centre will record and analyze all such data and take action on any signs of a breakdown in relations between Member States or of alarming socio-political developments within Member States. Four (4) observation centers were created with headquarters in Banjul (The Gambia), Cotonou (Benin), Monrovia (Liberia) and Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso). The necessary political implications can quickly be drawn and appropriate measures taken. To facilitate this process, it is proposed that a Council of Elders and a Mediation and Security Council should be established.
It was proposed to use African traditional practice as a guide and establish a Committee of Elders made up of eminent personalities from the sub-region, Africa and beyond, who would use their vast experience, good offices and competence on behalf of ECOWAS to play the role of mediator, conciliator and arbiter. Its members would be chosen by the Executive Secretary in consultation with the Chairman of Council as and when the need arose.
A Mediation and Security Council comprising nine Member States will be empowered, on behalf of the Authority of Heads of State and Government, to take such emergency decisions as may be required in crisis situations. It is proposed that the Mediation and Security Council should consist of 9 Member States elected for a two year mandate, and that the current and immediate past chair should have automatic membership on the Council. The Council may consider and make recommendations on issues within its area of competence within any or all of the following bodies: the Committee of Ambassadors of the nine (9) Member States; the Committee of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defence, Internal Affairs and Security, and the meeting of Heads of State of the ECOWAS Mediation and Security Council.
These different bodies may solicit the opinion of defense and Security Commission. Membership of the Commission shall be dictated by the issues for discussion. Member States may therefore be represented by their Chief of Staff, security chiefs, experts from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, heads of immigration, Customs, narcotics, or border patrols. The Commission shall examine the technical aspects of defense matters and advise on the requirements of the administration and logistics support for peace-keeping operations.
In cases of armed conflict, ECOWAS shall employ both political and military intervention. The term ECOMOG shall continue to designate the military instrument of ECOWAS. ECOMOG shall be based on a standby arrangement involving the use of national contingents that shall be earmarked, trained and equipped, and organised for deployment at short notice.
Another major innovation is the proposal that ECOWAS should intervene to undertake peace-keeping operations in internal conflict where the situation:
– threatens to trigger a humanitarian disaster;
– pose a serious threat to peace and security in the sub-region;
– erupts following the overthrow or attempted overthrow of a democratically-elected government.
The draft mechanism lays down the procedure to be followed where the decision is taken to intervene. Proposals are also made regarding the composition of ECOMOG, its chain of command, duties and functions and funding for administrative and logistics support.
In order to correct the impression that ECOWAS has failed, in previous operations, to adequately support its peace-keeping operations with humanitarian action, it is suggested that, in situations of conflicts or natural disasters, ECOWAS should ensure a high profile with regard to alleviating the suffering of the populace and hastening the return of normalcy. A number of recommendations were made in respect of this and of peace-building.
The scope of the mechanism was widened to include security issues, in accordance with the directives of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Internal Affairs and Security.
A number of recommendations in the draft mechanism attempt to address the concerns of our leaders concerning the movement of light weapons and ammunitions and the increasing incidence of cross-border crime.
The Executive Secretariat has sought to combat small arms proliferation more effectively by preparing a draft declaration of a moratorium on light weapons based on the moratorium presented by Mali on the importation, exportation and manufacture of light weapons and the Programme for Coordination and Assistance for Security and Development (PCASED).
The draft declaration has been adopted by the Heads of State and Government.
The European Union generously made available to ECOWAS an amount of 1.9 million Euros for undertaking certain operational activities of the mechanism.
Having addressed the issue of a security outfit in western Africa, it is worthy to note that the SADC does not have an established military outfit.
The community adopted objectives to look out for the welfare of the member states. In dealing with matters of anything against this i.e violation of human rights all must be put in correcting and condemning such situations. However this has not been the case on the ongoing Zimbabwean catastrophe, in fact this is one of SADC s biggest failures. In attending to the matter in which Robert Mugabe has been in power for 40years now, in which he unlawfully took land from white people who contributed a lot to the economy through farming giving it to poor black people who cannot even do anything with it, breaking his own black people’s houses. The opposition took a stand against all the wrong that was going wrong in the country earning many of them brutal military attacks, many died, many imprisoned for no good reason the opposition leader even ran to Botswana after alleged rumors of plots to kill him by the Robert-led millitary. All that SADC did was send the former South-African president Thabo Mbeki for peace talks between the ruling ZANUPF and the opposition MDC. This effort could be applauded however Thabo Mbeki happens to be one of Robert’s best friends back from the colonialism days they fought for freedom together, which is why he and SADC adopted the “silent diplomacy” way to go about the matter. This proved very useless the situation worsened civilians were killed everyday for opposing the ruling party, many people died of diseases even worse the economy collapsed, taking things to the core the world imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe. The world spoke SADC kept saying we will do things our way. This is to say SADC needs more efficient, effective and stronger methods in matters involving people’s lives. They should condemn when democracy is not well practiced only Botswana and Namibia took a strong stance to say ‘this is inhuman and the situation should be given more seriousness”. Silent diplomacy is not working more power-backed methods must be put in place to see to it that people’s rights are not violated ,democracy an rule of law are seen to.
There is a continuing loss of millions of lives to HIV/AIDS but the message is being spread on how to prevent infection. It then becomes a problem when a prominent leader in society like Jacob Zuma the current South-African president promotes promiscuity otherwise. The man is married to five women but 2years back he was involved in a rape scandal in which he was alleged to have raped an HIV positive women knowing of her status but not caring to get infected and passing it on to his wife. The man hid behind culture

Formation and Drainage of Supraglacial Lakes

Glacial Processes and Geomorphology Degree Assignment
What controls the formation and drainage of supraglacial lakes on the Greenland ice sheet and to what extent are these processes an important control on ice sheet dynamics?
The Greenland Ice Sheet is a large ice mass in the Northern Hemisphere, made up of both land terminating and tidewater terminating outlet glaciers. Seasonal surface melting produces melt water that collects on the surface of the Greenland ice sheet in the form of supraglacial lakes (Luthje et al., 2006).
The storage and drainage of lake water is particularly important in forcing a hydraulic connection between the ice sheet surface and the ice bed interface (Bartholomew et al., 2012). For this reason, drainage of these supraglacial lakes is of particular interest in understanding the influence that they have on ice sheet dynamics. Supraglacial lakes have been known to drain in less than one day (Box & Ski, 2007). The fluctuations in surface water delivered to the glacier bed from the rapid drainage of these lakes are known to affect the speed that the ice sheet travels at and have been known to cause local uplift of the ice sheet (Sundal et al., 2011).
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the factors that control the formation and drainage of supraglacial lakes on the Greenland ice sheet and the implications these processes have on the control of ice sheet dynamics.
In cases where drainage is prevented, melt water can be stored on the ice sheet by a form of sediment or ice barrier, creating a supraglacial lake (Benn & Evans, 2010). Seasonal warming produces melt water that collects in closed surface undulations on the surface of the ice sheet. The supraglacial lakes across the Greenland ice sheet vary in size from a few hundred meters to 1500m in diameter, with depths of 2-5m (Box & Ski, 2007).

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Supraglacial lakes form in the ablation area of the Greenland ice sheet during summer time melt season. Positions of numerous lakes have been monitored over many years and from the results it can be deduced that most lakes form in the same place every year (Luthje et al., 2006). Supraglacial lakes can occur across much of the ablation zone on the Greenland ice sheet but are especially prominent on the Western transect (Luthje et al., 2006). The formation and location of supraglacial lakes on the Greenland ice sheet is driven by season and temperature, elevation and topography (Chu, 2014).
There is an upper limit imposed on the lake distribution and formation by elevation because of temperature and basal sliding restrictions (Liang et al., 2012). Due to the lapse rate, temperature decreases with elevation. When it reaches a certain point on the ice sheet it becomes too cold for melting to so there is no melt water for filling the lake basins. As bedrock topography is only expressed in ice surface topography in regions experiencing basal sliding, interior regions of the ice sheet that do not experience basal sliding are unlikely to contain ice surface depressions suitable for lake formation (Liang et al., 2012). Figure 1(a) shows a histogram of the rate of change of lake area over 10 years of observations. In (b) only the 50th percentile shows a significant relationship with melt intensity. From the two graphs it can be deduced that there is a positive correlation between annual median lake elevation and annual melt intensity, indicating that lakes are more active at higher elevations during warmer or more intense melt years (Liang et al., 2012). During more intense melt years, lake drainage events become more common in higher elevations. These regions, which don’t normally experience rapid surface water transfer to the bed of the glacier become more susceptible to moulin formation (Liang et al., 2012). Only lakes above 1050m show inter-annual changes in response to seasonal changes in melting intensity (Liang et al., 2012).
The area of supraglacial lakes is more controlled by the local topography. Lakes at lower elevations tend to be smaller because the steeper ice surfaces prevent as much water being collected and stored (Bartholomaus et al., 2007).
Although topography and elevation influence the formation and distribution of supraglacial lakes in Greenland, the main control is the season. The lakes will only form during melt season, when temperatures become warm enough to produce melt water to fill the empty lake basins (Luthje et al., 2006).
In order for melt water stored as supraglacial lakes to reach the bed of a glacier, a through ice transport system is required. In a study, Das et al. (2008) monitored and observed the rapid drainage of two large supraglacial lakes down to the base of the Greenland ice sheet. The lakes, on the Western side of the Greenland ice sheet began filling in early July, reaching maximum extent around the 29th of July. At first, lake levels began to fall slowly and steadily and then levels dropped rapidly. This rapid drainage event drained the lake in around 1.4 hours (Das et al., 2008).
From observations, it can be deduced that the drainage of the lake occurs in four stages. First of all initial slow, steady drainage occurs through crevasses (Chu, 2014). No water reaches the bed of the glacier, suggesting an inefficient drainage system. Next, connection to the bed occurs and drainage through a fracture system occurs. This stage gives fast and direct drainage of the lake to the bed of the glacier. Thirdly, Moulin formation and closure of the fracture system occurs. Frictional heating from the turbulent water flow and rapid drainage in stage two melts through fracture walls, developing them into discrete moulins (Chu, 2014). Moulins are associated with rapid lake drainage and immediate transfer of water to the ice sheet (Chu, 2014). This rapid transfer of water to the glacier bed has potential to overwhelm the subglacial hydrologic system. The final stage occurs once the lake has drained. Moulins stay open to allow the drainage of surface melt to the bed of the glacier (Das et al., 2008). Evidence suggests that moulins in existence in the bottom of the lakes fill with snow and become dammed in the winter. Lakes are filled during the summer melt season until the moulins are reopened by a combination of pressure and melting (Box & Ski, 2007).
Fracture propagation through the ice suggests that once initiated water filled crevasses will propagate downwards through the full thickness of the ice through a process called hydrofracture (Das et al., 2008). The water ponds above small crevasses in the lake basin, exerting stress on the crevasse and eventually the ice starts to fracture. Initially the water refreezes in the crevasse. Heat created from refreezing warms the ice and it melts, advancing further down into the crevasse. Once a connection with the bed is established water from the lake can freely drain. There is no limit to the depth of a water filled crevasse so it is able to reach the bed of a glacier. The process is only limited by the supply of melt water needed to keep the crevasse full (Weertman, J. 1973). Crevasses and moulins connect the surface of the ice sheet with englacial environments, providing a route for melt water to drain from the supraglacial lakes through the ice sheet (Chu, 2014).
Although only lake drainage processes for two lakes were observed by Das et al. (2008) in this particular study it can be assumed that other lakes on the Greenland ice sheet drain in the same way. The presence of fractures in other empty lake basins suggests that drainage processes are similar for all supraglacial lakes (Das et al., 2008).
Throughout melt season, drainage patterns of the lakes across the Greenland ice sheet migrate inland. Lakes at lower elevations tend to form and drain earlier than those at higher elevations (Bartholomaus et al., 2007).
Ice Sheet Dynamics
Rapid drainage events are of particular interest in understanding ice sheet dynamics and hydraulic response. Fluctuations in surface water are known to affect the speed of ice sheets (Sundal et al., 2011). Some suggest that more influx of melt water to the glacier bed, from lake drainage events could produce ice sheet acceleration. Moulins provide a method of rapid lake drainage, supplying large influxes of water to the glacier bed with the potential to overwhelm the subglacial hydrological system causing uplift and increase basal sliding (Chu, 2014). They can only support a fraction of the lake water, keeping water pressure at the base of the glacier high and encouraging increases in basal movement and uplift (Box & Ski, 2007). Higher water pressure favours faster sliding as it reduces drag between ice and the bed (Bartholomew et al., 2012).
Speed ups of the ice sheet are caused by an increase of water pressure at the its base, enhancing basal sliding. This increase in basal water pressure can be provided by melt lake outbursts (Box & Ski, 2007). There are other processes involved in basal sliding but for the purposes of linking it with glacier hydrology we are only interested in cavitation. Cavitation vertically jacks the glacier upwards, reducing friction between the glacier bed and rock interface and decreasing effective pressure. When effective pressure and friction are low basal sliding rates are high. In the same study as mentioned above, Das et al. (2008) observed horizontal and vertical movement of the ice sheet that coincided with rapid drainage of the lake.
A large uplifted block of ice in the centre of the lake basin evidences local uplift of the ice sheet during rapid lake drainage. Based on topographic studies, it is likely that the large block in the centre of the lake was uplifted during a drainage event (Das et al., 2008). The elevation change reported by sonar surveys suggests surface uplift of around 6m across the block. The large volume of water transported to the ice sheet bed during lake drainage would have produced several meters of uplift at the lakes centre (Das et al., 2008).
Figure 2, produced from a study by Bartholomew et al., (2012) supports Das’ et al., (2008) conclusion that drainage of supraglacial lakes can affect velocity and uplift the ice sheet. It shows rapid increases in ice velocity and surface height after the drainage of a supraglacial lake observed on the Western transect of the Greenland ice sheet. Drainage of the lake can be linked with a 400% increase in ice velocity and 0.3m of uplift in less than 24 hours (Bartholomew et al., 2012).

Figure 2: (a) Surface velocity during lake drainage event (b) Surface height profile during the lake drainage event (c & d) Before and after images of the supraglacial lake (taken by time lapse camera). Solid black lines on (a & b) indicate the times when the two photos were taken.
Taken from: Bartholomew, I., Nienow, P., Sole, A., Mair, D., Cowton, T. and King, M. (2012). Short – term variability in Greenland Ice Sheet motion forced by time-varying meltwater drainage: Implications for the relationship between subglacial drainage system behaviour and ice velocity. Journal of Geophysical Researcg, 117(F3).
Both outlet glaciers and slower moving ice sheets across Greenland show a seasonal speed up in response to enhanced melt water delivery to the glacier bed and from pulses of water from lake drainage. The ice sheets continue to speed up until a maximum velocity threshold is reached; sequentially the glacier slows down (Chu, 2014). This slowing down of the glacier is not to be expected if lubrication by melt water is the primary mechanism of speeding up the ice sheet. The reduction in velocity suggests subglacial drainage switches from a linked cavity system to a more efficient channel drainage system (Chu, 2014).
Understanding the hydrology of supraglacial lakes is important as they have the potential to supply large volumes of water to the bed of the ice sheet and affect motion. Both an increase in glacier velocity and local uplift is observed when supraglacial lake water drains to the bed of the glacier. However, constant high influxes of water are not consistent with continued increase in velocity because the subglacial drainage system switches to a more efficient system (Bartholomaus et al., 2007). Large pulses of water delivered to the bed from drainage of supraglacial lakes overwhelm the subglacial hydrologic network and increase basal motion. Moulins provide rapid drainage of large supraglacial lakes into the ice sheet hydrological systems, while crevasses provide a more steady drainage method. The location, area and potential melt water available to fill these supraglacial lakes is controlled by the elevation and topography of the surrounding area, and more importantly temperature. In turn, these factors could be controlled by climate change. For this reason it is important to monitor the processes associated with glacial lakes to get a clearer understanding of the impacts any future climate change will have on glacial lakes and the Greenland ice sheet.
Abdalati, W. and Steffen, K. (2001). Greenland ice sheet melt extent: 1979–1999. Journal of Geophysical Research: Atmospheres (1984–2012), 106(D24), pp.33983–33988.
Bartholomaus, T., Anderson, R. and Anderson, S. (2007). Response of glacier basal motion to transient water storage. Nature Geoscience, 1(1), pp.33–37.
Box, J. and Ski, K. (2007). Remote sounding of Greenland supraglacial melt lakes: implications for subglacial hydraulics. Journal of glaciology, 53(181), pp.257–265.
Chu, V. (2014). Greenland ice sheet hydrology A review. Progress in Physical Geography, 38(1), pp.19–54.
Das, S., Joughin, M., Behn, M., Howat, I., King, M., Lizarralde, D., et al. (2008). Fracture propagation to the base of the Greenland Ice Sheet during supra-glacial lakedrainage. Science, 5877, 778−781.
Liang, Y., Colgan, W., Lv, Q., Steffen, K., Abdalati, W., Stroeve, J., Gallaher, D. and Bayou, N. (2012). A decadal investigation of supraglacial lakes in West Greenland using a fully automatic detection and tracking algorithm. Remote Sensing of Environment, 123, pp.127–138.
Luthje, M., Pedersen, L., Reeh, N. and Greuell, W. (2006). Modelling the evolution of supraglacial lakes on the West Greenland ice-sheet margin. Journal of Glaciology, 52(179), pp.608–618.
McMillan M, Nienow P, Shepherd A, et al. (2007) Seasonal evolution of supra-glacial lakes on the Greenland Ice Sheet. Earth and Planetary Science Letters 262(3–4): 484–492.
Sundal AV, Shepherd A, Nienow P, et al. (2009) Evolution of supra-glacial lakes across the Greenland Ice Sheet. Remote Sensing of Environment 113(10): 2164–2171.
Sundal AV, Shepherd A, Nienow P, et al. (2011) Meltinduced speed-up of Greenland ice sheet offset by efficient subglacial drainage. Nature 469(7331):521–524.
Tweed, F. and Russell, A. (1999). Controls on the formation and sudden drainage of glacier-impounded lakes: implications for jokulhlaup characteristics. Progress in Physical Geography, 23(1), pp.79–110.
Weertman, J. 1973. Can a water-filled crevasse reach the bottom surface of a glacier? IASH Publ. 95 (Symposium at Cambridge1969 – Hydrology of Glaciers), 139–145.
Zwally, H.J., W. Abdalati, T. Herring, K. Larson, J. Saba and K. Steffen. 2002. Surface melt-induced acceleration of Greenland ice-sheet flow. Science, 297(5579), 218–222.

The Relative Effect of Various Influences in the Formation of a Serial Killer

The relative effect of various influences in the formation of a serial killer

Research Question : To what degree do genetics contribute to the development of psychopathic traits which characterize a serial killer?


Although accounting for only 1% of all murders in a given year in the United States[1], serial murders cases are usually not clear and the personalities involved in the murder are of great interest to psychologists and in popular culture as people attempt to solve the puzzle of the motivations behind a certain crime. This phenomenon is not exclusive to the United States and has been documented previously in other regions of the world. One of the first books to document violent and sexual crimes committed by such murderers was Psychopathia Sexualis, by Dr. Kraft Ebing, which was published in 1886 and was expanded upon in its following versions. The book was a pioneer as it was one of the first texts written in an academic fashion which discussed sexual practices and how sexual desires outside of the motivation to sire offspring were considered to be a form of perversion as practices done by homosexuals did not provide any biological benefit.[2] It acted as a reference which allowed for legal judgements of sexual criminals as it suggested that their mental state was to blame for the crime and thus must be accounted for.

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Serial killers are defined as people who had committed acts of violence at several, unique times (different from mass murder where multiple people are killed at one particular time). They are more broadly categorized as people that display characteristics of antisocial personality disorder. This classification of personality disorder can be further divided into sociopathy or psychopathy which includes behavioural traits such as lack of empathy, wish to exploit people, absence of guilt and lack of ability to learn from wrong-doings[3]. These types of personalities align with serial killers who are cruel, lack remorse, hindered emotionally, and egocentric[4]. Although not all serial killers are psychopaths and may not display the characteristics, their willingness to kill or sexually abuse someone repeatedly shows the shortage to comprehend the consequences of the crime, egocentricity and cruelty which are traits of antisocial personality disorder. Since the sample size of serial killers is small, it is more efficient and easier to generalize to the population by looking at studies researching the influences causing antisocial behaviour. In addition it allows for standardized psychopathic evaluation tests as well as other quantitative data which can provide empirical results, rather than just case studies on specific serial killers.

Investigations during 20th century provided greater insight into the topic which eventually led to the coining of the term ‘serial killer’ by John E. Douglas and Robert K. Ressler. Working in the Behavioural Science Unit, they lead an FBI investigation in which serial killers were interviewed in order to evaluate the motivation behind the crimes they had perpetrated. Over 2 decades Ressler and Douglas conducted these interviews in order to create a case study for each killer and find a way to profile them in such a way that their behaviour could be used to trace back to them. Through their method, unidentified serial killers were easier to find by analysis of the crime scene which gave insight into the individual’s behaviour. Interrogations of infamous criminals such as Edmund Kemper, Ted Bundy and Charles Manson included relating to the perpetrator in order to make them more comfortable which would cause them to share more details of what led them to commit the crime. This led to the classification of killers based on several criteria including their ‘signature’ which was made up of unique things an offender did at a crime scene in order to fulfill their psychological requirements. Although providing great insight through interviews, the internal and ecological validity of the FBI’s profiling process should be evaluated critically as the interviews were subjective and unstructured which does not provide uniformity outside of the personal setting in turn having weak ecological validity.

 In the 21st century, new technology provides a new perspective of biological influences into the profile of a serial killer, while including all of the environmental factors proposed by previous profiling methods. Research into genetics as well as new methods to analyze the activity of the brain allow for scientists to study patterns which may be present with multiple serial killers. From new research correlations between genetics or brain activity patterns and the development of a person into a psychopath can be made, providing the opportunity for other killers to be identified prior to their crimes by means of genetic or neurological testing. In fact, a twin study done at the University of Minnesota shows that psychopathic traits are 60% heritable.[5] Due to this, biological details of criminals can be crucial to prevent them from developing into psychopaths or serial killers by accommodating them in an environment that nurtures their psychological needs.

Although not solely responsible for psycopathy, it can be seen that genetics play a significant role in the development of a criminal. Greater knowledge of what causes the development of psychopaths is also key for juries in the court of law when sentencing psychopathic criminals. Brain scans or genetics may allow for lenient penalties[6], thus it is important to consider the research question:

To what degree do genetics contribute to the development of a psychopathic profile of a serial killer?

This essay will be discussing an answer to the research question by evaluating the influence from environment/social aspects, genetics, and neuroscience. It will argue that genetics are responsible for the development of psychopathic traits in serial killers to an extent, but basing likelihood of development into a psychopath on exclusively genetics is not accurate or reliable and other influences affecting a person will also be explored throughout this essay. The essay is limited by the amount of factors that can be regarded as only genetics, neuroscience and environmental aspects will be analyzed. Evaluating all the possible influences on a person’s life would include minute and irrelevant details while being difficult as well as time consuming to represent in the essay.

 Essential concepts and theories that will be discussed throughout this essay include localization of brain functions, epigenetics, genetics, neuroscience and their relation to human behaviour. Studies that will be used in order to demonstrate these theories will be sourced from academic journals of law, medicine and psychology as well as articles on neuroscience research. It will also include excerpts from lectures by reputable professors.




 There are several myths surrounding the characteristics of serial killers due to the influence of popular culture on stereotypes of these criminals. False information can also spread as research which was previously believed to be true in already engraved in human minds and reversing the beliefs due to new research can be of great difficulty. One such phenomenon is the inclusion of an extra Y chromosome in males, also referred to as the XYY syndrome that supposedly causes greater amount of aggression in men. This hypothesis from scientists caused stories of XYY males to be picked up, creating the stereotype of a “supermale” a male with an extra Y chromosome prone to commit violent crimes due to the genetic flaw. This was disproved by a study comparing crimes done by a control group of males and a group of males with XYY syndrome demonstrated that XYY males committed 8.6% of their crimes against people in contrast to 21.9% by the control group[7]. Another myth is that serial killers are exclusively driven by a sexual desire, this is false as the motivation of a serial murder may be a variety of things, including anger, the thrill of murder itself as well as possible financial benefit[8]. A troublesome upbringing or toxic environment is necessary for the development of a serial killer is yet another myth as there have been killers. A study in the Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2005) shows that for 50 serial killers that were used as the sample 68% suffered some type of abuse while 32% reported no abuse. This shows that serial killers are likely to have an unstable family environment but it is not a necessity for their development.

Genetics and Epigenetics

     Genes are a fundamental physical unit made up of DNA which mainly contain information to instruct for the creation of protein in the human body that code for traits and functions. Genes are passed on through generations by heredity as 50% of each parents’ genes are inherited by the offspring. As they contain information rather than actual instructions for behaviour, they indirectly affect behaviour by encoding molecules that affect brain function. The environment directly affects genes and how they effectively each gene expresses information, therefore having an effect on the behaviour of an organism.[9] The aforementioned phenomenon is due to epigenetics, which can lead to changes in cognition, appearance, and most importantly behaviour. As a consequence it is crucial to consider when discussing both environmental or genetic influences on the development of antisocial behaviour traits. Epigenetics research is limited as most of it has been done during the preliminary stages of life in organisms, and behavioural epigenetics being a subcategory of that is even more restricted in terms of research. [10]Hence, while behavioural epigenetics will be discussed, information is subject to change as adequate research in specific areas is done.

 Monozygotic twins or identical twins that share 100% of their genome and dizygotic twins or fraternal twins which share 50% of their genes, both groups are assumed to be exposed to the same environmental conditions in a classical twin study. Twin studies are critical to genetic and behavioural genetic research as a set of twins can be analyzed, yet unlike using a random set of people the variables for twins are very similar making them easy to compare and contrast. Through the comparison of antisocial behaviour traits between monozygotic and dizygotic twins, the variance in their behaviour can be accounted for through heritability (genes), environmental factors which are shared by the genes (making them similar to each other), and environmental factors that are not shared by the twins (making them different from each other). Behavioural genetics research has shown that genetic influences can be blamed for approximately 50% of the development in antisocial traits. Nevertheless, both types of environmental factors, shared and nonshared, also show evident results to satisfy the other 50% of the variance in antisocial behaviour. This will be further discussed in the latter part of this essay.

 A study done including a community sample of 780 twin pairs by Wang et al. (2013) analyzed the influence of genetic and environmental factors on antisocial behaviour in the sample[11]. It was found that the type of antisocial behaviour, aggressive or non-aggressive, was important as both types as heritability increased in males as their age increased from 9 to 18, while only non-aggressive antisocial behaviour decreased for females. Such results exihibit that differences in behavioural development between sex should be considered and investigated further. Aggressive and non-aggressive behaviour was also examined by Niv et al. (2013), in which the influences on childhood antisocial behaviour were investigated, data was collected between the ages of 9 and 10 as well as 14 and 15. Through the study it was found that antisocial behavior in the younger children was influenced by 41% genetics, 40% shared environment and 19% non-shared environment[12]. From ages 14-15, 41% of influences on the common antisocial behavior factor were purely due to genetics, while the other influences remained stable across time[13]. Regardless of the data it is important to note that delinquency during childhood or adolescence is a common trait and it is very rare to predict the development of a serial killer just from childhood behaviour.

Research that is more relevant to criminals emphasizes the role of impaired self-control as a key risk factor for antisocial behavior, as stated through a study done by Gottfredson & Hirschi (1990). Following this line of research, Beaver et al. (2013) examined the genetic and environmental stability and change in self-control in 2,412 twin pairs through a correlational study which were measured at three time points being : 1994, 1996, and 1998. The data set was collected from the Child and Young Adult Supplement of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979.  Results showed that genetic factors were responsible for between 74–92% of the stability in self-control and between 78–89% of the variance in self-control. Accordingly, it could be assumed that shared and nonshared environmental factors with the twin pairs accounted for the rest of the stability and difference in levels of self-control[14]. This study although recent, uses data from 1990s and does not explicitly gauge any advancements in genetic research or limitations in the data, in addition cause and effect inferences cannot be made since the study is correlational. Though, it still provides strong evidence for a link between genes and stability in self-control.

An MRI is a brain scanning technique used to produce detailed pictures of the brain so that it can be evaluated and compared to other models, it does this by aligning hydrogen protons in the body[15]. Using this method, a study done by Mayer et al. (2006) discovered that people with the MAOA‐L gene had a greater chance of having a smaller limbic system[16]. The limbic system consists of the hippocampus, amygdala, the nuclei of the anterior thalamus and limbic cortex, these parts of the brain execute processes related to emotion, behaviour and long term memory[17]. Emotional cognition such as fear perception is specifically managed by the amygdala. The team then applied functional MRI, another brain scanning technique measures changes in blood flow, this allows for the analysis of activity patterns in the brain by looking at patterns of blood flow[18]. Through fMRI it was discovered that the MAOA‐L gene displayed heightened responsiveness of the amygdala when participants were asked to perform tasks such as copying facial expressions. The results showed that the MAOA-L group had a lower capability of inhibiting strong emotional impulses[19]. Consequently, it can be seen that genes and neurology are deeply connected, having a major impact on one’s behaviour. The effects on a person’s limbic system as well as amygdala due to the MAOA-L genes shows that people with the gene group have greater susceptibility to behavioural anomalies.

Ahmad Hariri made a statement concerned about the findings of the research done by Mayer et al. (2006). Mr. Hariri is an investigator at the Institute for Genome Sciences & Policy at Duke University and he states, “This is a significant basic science finding linking genes to brain to behaviour,” “But it is not a significant clinical finding in and of itself. Only in as much as this very, very, very subtle bias in the brain tips the balance toward an aggressive response to provocation is this finding even remotely clinically relevant.”, he continued[20]. The limitation of uncertainty arises as it is not accurate to label MAOA-L as the only gene to cause violence or aggression.

The concept of gender differences is present yet again as females are protected from the gene. One way they are protected is through the X chromosome as women with the MAOA‐L variety on one chromosome will likely have a normal allele on the other. Also there is significant evidence that women having defence mechanisms stemming from other genes lowering their exposure to violence. In men, there is some trigger required to activate MAOA‐L  gene which leads to violence. Results from an earlier study by Caspi et al. (2002) suggested that this trigger could be persistent maltreatment during childhood, which would align with environmental influences of development[21].  This correlation was portrayed as a chart displaying the variables of antisocial behaviour and maltreatment during childhood, although there is a strong correlation with a large sample size of 442 males evaluated at several time intervals between ages 3 and 21[22]. Cause and effect inferences cannot be made and the quality of operationalizations should be criticized since it was a quasi experiment. This is an example of how epigenetics may function as environmental factors affect genes and hence affect behaviour.

Figure 1 : A graph displaying a standardized score of antisocial behaviour vs. childhood maltreatment for two types of MAOA genes (n represents sample size used for each gene group)[23]

 Along with genomic data, information from neuroscience also provides great insight into the biological influences on human behaviour. James Fallon is an Amerian neuroscience professor at the University of California and has had several notable works correlating neurobiology and human behaviour, including one in which he compares his own mind with violent relatives in his family tree. In one of his books, Fallon states that neurotransmitter activity is mainly based on genetics and can affect the brain due to different activity levels of serotonin, dopamine and other neurological circuits that directly influences the brain.[24] The simplified normal distribution in Figure 1 theoretically portrays the effect of genes and the environment on neurotransmitter systems, it shows how genes are the main determining factor, while the smaller range of changes due to the environment can be seen below the charts. 

Figure 1 : Activity in neurotransmitter systems represented as simplified normal distributions (Fallon, 2006)[25]

James Fallon also did a blind study of 70 brains from psychopathic murderers, in which he analyzed normal and psychopathic brains to discover any patterns in both groups. Each one of the psychopathic killers was found to have brain damage at the orbital cortex and anterior temporal lobe as can be viewed in Figure 3[26]. It should be also noted that brain damage for each psychopathic killer was not exactly the same, instead there was a pattern and there was brain damage unique to each case.

Figure 3 : An image showing consistency of brain damage with murders (Fallon, 2006) [27]

Even though Fallon has found patterns in genetics, brain damage, and brain activity patterns there is great importance he places upon timing of the several factors including a person’s association with their environment.

Environmental Influences

Even though it is rather difficult to quantitatively measure environmental influences due to the amount of variables present in a natural setting, there are many resources that can be explored in order to find a link between certain environmental factors and antisocial behavior or extremely violent behaviour. In a study done by Cotter (2007) on the developmental dynamics that leaed a serial killer to their first act of murder, there were 5 stages discovered that lead to extreme violence[28] :

Emotional problems


Adaptation to murder

Trigger event

Act of murder

As previously stated in the introduction of this paper, FBI research including the interviews of serial killers in order to find the motive of their crimes found that most perpetrators had a difficult childhood, Ressler et al. (1992) [29] causing them to be in the initiation stage of the development process. The table in Figure 4 provides insight into the amount of abuse serial killers face compared to the general population, providing evidence for the initiation stage. Despite the fact that the table below provides evidence for links between serial killers and abuse, the information must be looked at critically as abuse may not be reported accurately and the data collected in the study is not from a primary source representing 50 lust serial killers (motivated by sexual desire)[30]. Due to being socially isolated because of their environment, they create other paths to fulfill their social necessities. Fantasies are built on top of already egocentric personalities which further justify any abnormal or violent actions, Douglas and Olshaker (1999). Immense drive for dominance is then caused due to a trigger event which can be a crucial moment in life such as a relationship problem. This leads the killer to seek power by committing crimes against vulnerable victims, Ressler and Schachtman (1992).

Figure 4 : A table comparing serial killers to the general population in terms of abuse[31]

The same paper by Cotter (2007) details how genocides are a similar phenomenon, continuously developing until an ideology of extreme violence is considered normal, and being triggered due to a major event such as military defeats in war[32]. It is important to note that usually several risk factors are required in order to have a large emotional impact, according to studies conducted by the University of Minnesota confirmed this hypothesis as five types of risks were assessed over 15 years , Appleyard et al. (2005)[33] and one risk factor was unable to hinder a child’s development compared to a combination of several influences which would cause them emotionally break down eventually.

Figure 5 : A statistical excerpt from a study examining trauma and behavioural health treatments with incarcerated men (N represents sample size). [34]

The previously indicated correlation between childhood trauma is followed further in this study by Wolff and Shi (2012) as it seeks to test 3 hypotheses, being : if childhood trauma exposure leads to psychopathology in adulthood, different types of trauma have varied impacts, and if incarcerated males who were exposed to trauma required greater amounts of behavioral health treatment compared to other incarcerated males with no reported trauma[35]. From Figure 5 it can be noticed that as trauma exposure, for both children and adults led to a greater amount of treatment for health issues such as depression or anxiety disorder. The same study also reported that trauma exposure during the ages of minority was able to foresee future behavioural health treatment necessities. Sexual trauma prior to adulthood was a major cause of future behavioural health treatment as men with childhood sexual trauma recorded receiving treatment for depression and anxiety and substance abuse while incarcerated 2 times as much and 1.5 times as much respectively. In addition, childhood abandonment was also consistently linked to similar symptoms. Although most of the research did line up with prior research done on similar topics, the researchers state there were contrasting findings reported by Dutton and Hart (1992)[36], the details opposing the previously stated study was that symptoms of agression did not increase due to sexual abuse prior to adulthood. Demographic and criminal history variables were accounted for when evaluating results providing greater validity to the discoveries. A nurturing environment can prevent the development of a serial killer according to James Fallon[37] and from the research presented it can be recognized that environmental influences are also greatly influential to emotional issues and possibly violence.


Despitethe extensive data available for both genetic as well as environmental influences, it is necessary to do further research in conflicting theories such as military theory and compare gender characteristics. Military theory states that experience in an institution such as the army desensitizes murder and thus encourages violent behavioural characteristcs which cause the development of potential serial killers, this link was studied at the Department of Criminology, Indiana University of Pennsylvania (2002)[38].

By thoroughly evaluating the information presented in the studies cited previously in the paper, it can be concluded that both genetics and environment are approximately equally responsible for the development of behavioural traits and thus the formation of serial killers. It can be distinguished that while genetics play a major role in the potential for aggressive or antisocial behaviour, a nurturing environment without multiple risk factors is enough to keep abnormal behaviour at bay. Consequently, there is greater need for genetic and epigenetic research to determine genes other than MAOA that are responsible for violence and the exact effect of the environment on the activity of genes. Heritability and patterns in brain damage are also consistent with psychopathic killers, but from James Fallon’s example, it can be observed that not everyone in the family will become a serial killer due to biological similarities.

With the information currently available, a biosocial model is the best representation of this as it incorporates a variety of processes and risk factors, later outlining the outcome in terms of antisocial behaviour subcategories[39]. By illustrating how various influences both genetic and environmental have approximately equivalent contribution to the development of potential antisocial behaviour, though protected by resilience which may be present biologically or socially such as a supportive environment hence preventing formation of abnormal characteristics.

Figure 6 : A diagram exhibiting the biosocial model of antisocial behavior[40]

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[29] Ressler et al 1992








[37] James Fallon, Neuroscientist – A Scientist’s Journey Through Psychopathy




Organizational Structure The Formation Of An Organization

Organizational structure is very much initial and essential step in the formation of an organization. When individuals are well aware about structure like departments, authorities and responsibilities division they work very efficiently and in good manner. Many schools of thought define organizational structure. The researcher found ( 2010) unique definition of organizational structure that it is a form of an organization that is apparent in the way functions, departments, divisions and people link together and interact. Organization structure may be represented by an organization chart, it reveals vertical operational responsibilities, and horizontal linkages. Organizational structure may be much complex due to its size and its geographic dispersal

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The Researcher realized that organization structure consists on departments, functions and divisions which based on individuals workers at their selected positions. They are all linked together and they are all responsibility at their own working capacity and works in their span of working as a creative part of organization. And intricacy in organizational structure depends upon its capacity, its business worth, its geographical location, its choice of business and many other conditions which effect internally or externally on the organization. As the same statement (George & Jones, 2005) also defines organizational structure as it is the relationship between the management team and the workforce for performing formal task and reporting. Structure of organization designed by the management team and the basic inspiration is the motivation of employees to work hard with best coordination for doing desired work
George and Jones explained the organizational structure as relationship of management team and the individual work force which plays their role at their best. Management also motivates the senior and junior support staff on their efforts and the main task is coordination for best results in favor of organization. Coordination depends on best communication style exercised within the organization and (Hall 1987) also defines organizational structure as communication flows, interaction of individuals and best use of power relationship for all the activities of organization. In the light of above views the organizational structure is complex design of individuals at different positions, different departments and divisions, with appropriate coordination and communication between employees for best and working in stipulated time period in reasonable cost. At present age the need of organizational structure very much essential, but think about early ages of human life or during the evolution of society and economy the need of organization and organizational structure exists, and scholars of this evolutionary group initialized the idea of organizational structure in what sense. The researcher found some references about the history of organizational structure and presented here under
Organizational structure has background from ancient times. Collectors and hunters used to manage tribal organizations. At the next step of revolution of economic history it was observed that through clerical strength industrialists developed structures of organizations at that time. Organizational structures have different types as the revolution of economies and described as:
Pre-Bureaucratic Structures
With the development of economies the concept of entrepreneurial business raised, at this time organizational structures are called pre-bureaucratic structures. Most of the operations directed and controlled by unitary structure and the strategic leader makes all key decisions. But these structures have very low standardization of tasks. The researcher realized that most decisions taken by single person either at very minor level. This may be fits for entrepreneur or sole proprietor ship where business scale may be high but working span based on single decision maker. Supervision of Organizational structure totally summarized by Entrepreneur and all the employees followed the instructions for doing their job with neglecting the results which may be in favor or oppose of business.
Due to this reason the level of standardization exists in minor sense in pre-bureaucratic structure. Set pattern, style of working enhance working efficiency and these were initial frame work of standardization.
Bureaucratic Structures
(Burns and Stalker 1961) indicates organization structures which have certain degree of standardization. Degree of standardization creates the sense of quality maintenance for products and services. (Chandler 1962, 1977) and williamson (1975, 1985) also comment on the shifting of organizational structure from unitary to multi-divisionary structures for market positioning and resource allocation among divisions, because many organizations enhances business at multinational basis and style of structure suite to them. The researcher further observed about standardization in organizational structure and found the term degree of standardization and its benefit also. Degree may help to improve and maintain the quality of product or service. The researcher realized that shifting to flat structure for marketing positioning already applied in organizations. The researcher tried to find the effect of shifting on multi-divisionary structures for enhancement in degree of standardization, due to reducing in implementation time or cost..
Post-Bureaucratic Structures
(Donnellon, Hecscher, 1994) initiates the post bureaucratic organization theory which may include total quality management, culture management and matrix management. The ideas of post bureaucratic structures specifically contrast with the weber’s ideal type bureaucracy. (Grey C, Garsten C) also describes the post bureaucratic organization as such type of organization where decisions are based on dialogue and consensus rather than authority and command. It is used to encourage participation and help to empower people who normally experience oppression in groups. Some researchers studied that how simple structures could be used to generate improvisational outcomes in product development (Miner et al, 2000).
The researcher found the good examples of companies which shifts from unitary structures to typical bureaucracy like shell Group and when the management converted the structure to matrix the company failed in market. Starbuck empowers employees to make their own decisions and train them to develop both hard and soft skills. Some experts initiates the matrix structure as multinational design (Robbin, judge2007) which maintains coordination among products, functions and geographic, and the same design adopted by many global companies like Toyota, Procter and gamble and Uniliver. Over the last decade the competition, global trends, customer demands and many other factor set the mind of business person that many companies has become flatter in which less hierarchical divisions involved which is necessary for survival of the organization. After that another approach introduced and today organization structures designed as per business strategy and the new styles developed in the formation of organizational structures. These are functional structures, divisional structures, Team, Network and Boundary less Structures.
Functional Structure
(Miles, Snow 1992) describes this structure. This style of organizational structure describes the specific activity of business. The organization engaged the employee for specialized set of tasks. In some businesses, when standardized goods and services made at large volume and low cost the functional structure will best fit the operations. In functional structures coordination and specialization of task are centralized which produce a limited amount of products or services efficient and predictable. The advantage of this structure is most useful for those industries which involved in manufacturing of heavy machinery, Electrical equipment and tools which have standardized technical specs. Likewise at the other side functional structures are helpful for organizations provide specific services to their customers. Most of the service provider companies adopt the same structure for their particular scope of work, specified customers, isolated style of workings and pre-determined targets within stipulated time period.
Divisional Structure
(Theraja 2008) consider the style in his book. Divisional structure also known as product structure. Each organizational function is grouped into division. Like an industry makes products of same nature like textile industry which invloves spinning, dying , knittting, Weaving units they consider as individual division as per their activities for each unit. Each division within a divisional structure contains all the necessary resources and functions within it. Divisions can be categorized from different points of view. There can be made a distinction on product/service basis (different products for different customers: households or companies) or on geograpical basis (like UAE and Asian Division).
Matrix Structure
In matrix structure induviduals grouped by both function and product. Structure can combine the best operations of structures which followed separately at their areas. Excellent practice followed in a matrix organization, and the management frequently uses teams of employees to accomplish work, in order to take advantage of the strengths, as well as make up for the weaknesses, of functional and decentralized forms. Matrix structure is amongst the purest of organizational structures, a simple lattice emulating order and regularity demonstrated in nature. As project matrix divided into three categories stated in below:
Weak / Functional Matrix: in this type of structure functional manager manage the resources and asssigned project area. Organization limitize the project manager and he is only responsible to oversee the cross- functional aspects of the porject.
Balanced / Functional Matrix: Such type of structures the best aspects of functional and projectized organizations merged. It is the responsibility of project manager to oversee the project. project manager and the functional managers equally powered from the higher management. In some situations it is consider the most difficult system to maintain as the sharing power is delicate proposition.
Strong/Project Matrix: Project manager is primarily responsible for the project. Functional managers provide technical expertise and assign resources as needed.
(Theraja 2007) Newest concept of organizational structures os team. If the organization have hierarchical or flat sturctures the management works as team. An organization gathered a set of people who synergize individual competencies to achieve unique dimensions, the quality of organizational structure revolves aropund the comptencies of teams in totality. In banking concept of floor financing emerged and management creates a team which have common interest to sell more cars through leasing. Team works for maximum car selling through leasing facility to resonsible and rapport individuals .
(Walker 2007) Managers in network structures spend most of their time coordinating and controlling external relations, usually by electronic means. Many businesses involves in this structures and concerned staff engaging in network to sell more strategy for a porduct and service.
Boundary less Structure:
(Andreson 2007) discuss this type of organizational structure that it is such type of organizational structures have no boundary of their business links. They have virtual business entity which engaged in 24 hrs business on internet. This means while the core of the organization can be small but still the company can operate globally be a market leader in its niche.Many businessman follow this type of strategy and have good range of products displays through internet and makes more profit to sell these products at different levels and different quantity but same quality and price.
Magnificient companies develop, modify and change their organizational structures so that they align with their strategies. For the last decades most of the organization shifting back to flatter structures. Being at risk of losing profits or even going bankrupt due to the major financial downturn today, a lot of companies are moving to flatter structures. Losing profit at the basis of cost enhancement and other factors which caused loss in diversed shapes but as per ethics each and every organizational structure has common determinants which observed by organization in formation of organizational structure or shifting from existing structure to another one. These determinants are dicussed as below
Detereminants of oganizational structure
In every organization, management care about all the determinants when creates organizational structure. Main determinants of organizational structure are
1. The Environment
Reseracher found many school of thoughts about determinants of organizational structure like (Burns and Stalker 1961) says that environmental conditions plays prominent role for appropriateness of organizational structure. Further stated by (Lawrence and Lorsh 1967) that performance of such companies much better if their internal capabilities and characteristics matches with environmental requirements. Reseracher realized environment arround the organization or business affected in both sense negative or positive. Some internal environments also conserve the resources and help to use in right manner or some time caused deffciency or decline.
2. The Size of the organization
(Stephen P. Borgatti, 1996) stated that organization size consists on number of personnel., output, capcacity and resources. Also explained that when the size increased the structures and actitivities also increased but concentration of power decreased. When organziation tends to enhancement its volume as working capacity, extension in services or products they have already made, personnel in shape of making new divisions or resources which are in shape of fund flows the structure direclty proportionate with it and increased with the size of organization but concentration of power may be decreased. Planned organization have best solution for concentration of power, they authorized appointed person at their span of working. The authorized person is competent and skilled to take immediate decision as best choice for organization growth.
3. Technology
In current scenario the communication technology is very essential for organzational strucutre. Researcher found the view of different authors like (Parsons 1951) says that coordination and communication processes importance increased at each level, either managerial, technical or institutional. It considers very complex issue in organization and in all dynamics of organization environment (Emery and Trist,1960). In some other school of thought technology is one of the internal important factor of organization. In any organization managerial porcesses and technology has relationship and technology determines the way of organizational management.Technology determines the principles, theories and structures of organization (Zareei Matin, 2003, p-155). Resarcher agreed with this statement and observed that communication technology in organization plays prominent role for managerial activities. Further realized that communication technology raised at each level in organizational structure with growth of organization.
The Organization Strategy:
(Fe`rery 2006) said that strategy consists on three dimension which were called dynamics of strategy, these are value, parimeter and imitation. Researcher realized that all of three factors exercised by organizational structure and also realized that best fit between organizational strategy, structure and management process make it a successful organization (Raymond Miles and Charles Snow 1992). The researcher found that strategies and structure has complex relationship in organization and growth of organization possible in the sense that strategy chosen for business as per requirement of organizational structure or sometime there may be remarkable change required in organizational structure as per market demand.
During research another point explored by researcher and gathered the infromation about organizational structure affects on culture of organization and discussed below.
Effect of organizational structure on organization culture
Reseracher tried to found the effect of strucutre on culture and achieved suggestion that in change process of organization culture is an integral part (R.Dension and K. Mishra 1995)
Sub headings
Community organizing practice
The Organizer’s role
Practice Keys
Quality standards
In an organizational structure monitoring of absolute application of quality standards is very important task and most of the firms exercised it carefully. The researcher observed some standards relevant to the population of study like implementation time, implementation cost, motivation, monitoring, communication and systematic approach. The researcher gathered infromation about these quality standards from different sources relevant to the study and discussed in following
Frame work on literature review
effect on Culture
Organizational Structure and Standardization
Quality standards
Application in current structure
ISO 9001, 14001
Implementation of ISO in current structure

Formation and Impact of the Informal Sector

What is the informal sector? Explain its formation and its persistence despite substantial economic change in cities in late industrializing countries. What would formalizing the informal sector mean in practice? What might be the role of the state? Provide evidence where formalization has/has not worked and offer some reasons why that was case.


The informal sector in majority of the developing countries represent approximately 50% of the entire economic activity. It sustains and provides livelihood to a large majority of people, notwithstanding that, the part it plays in overall economic development remains contentious (Porta and Shleifer, 2014). It is observed that although this sector is widespread in the developing countries, it has relatively low productivity compared to the formal sector, mostly concentrated with poor and less educated entrepreneurs and is largely disconnected from the formal sector. The reason why many entrepreneurs tend to set up small scale firms in the informal sector is the avoidance of taxes and regulations and because they are aware that the productivity of their firms are quite low and would not allow them to thrive in the formal sector (Porta and Shleifer, 2014).

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According to Peterson (2013), a cursory glance at the informal sector reveals that it is not problematic at all in the short run, as it tends to be the primary source of livelihood and sustenance for the poor. However, in the long run it has an adverse effect on a country’s economy and can stagnate the government’s social programs. If informal sector growth remains uncontrolled, this mean an economy that is beyond the control of the government or regulatory agency would not be able to provide the necessary protection to the workers and workers will continue to have lower standards of living compared to their counterparts in the formal sector. The reasons the workers in the informal sector continue to have low living standards are irregularity in their working days, absence or lack of minimum wage, lack of health and safety facilities, inability to enforce the contractual arrangements and absence of social protection (Peterson, 2013).

In this paper, I argue that despite the fact that the informal sector provides means of sustenance for the poor and relatively less educated it has numerous disadvantages and steps should be taken by the state towards formalization of the sector. The paper looks at the informal sector in Pakistan and why inequality persists in the opportunities for the workers in this sector. The informal sector’s growth should be curtailed in the developing countries because 1) informal sector workers have very low level of protection from the police and judiciary in case of crimes committed against their property 2) as most of the informal sector workers do not possess the capacity to enter into binding contracts, this prevents them from accessing capital markets for the purposes pertaining to finance and insurance and they are also not able to fully make use of social welfare, skill enhancement training programs and other government/public incentives (Loayza, 1999).

In this paper, I will begin with first explaining what the informal sector entails and what are its key characteristics. I will go on to discuss the emergence and persistence of this sector focusing primarily on two issues that in my view have contributed to this sector i.e. globalization/trade liberalization and poverty. I will look at the informal sectors in Pakistan and India to some extent as my case studies to explain what formalization of the informal sector means and what could be role of the state in that regard. The conclusion will reiterate that although informal sector is not entirely unfavourable for the poor, it could have negative impact on the economy in the long run.


The informal sector: what is it?

There is no definitive and conclusive single definition of the informal economy, however, the work of Hernando de Soto (1989) defines informal economy “as the set of economic units that do not comply with government imposed taxes and regulations” (Loaya, 1999:1). It appears that defining the informal sector has been a contentious and debatable issue. The consequence of the debates over the informal sector has resulted in four dominant schools of thought including the Dualist school, the Structuralist school, the Legalist schools and the Voluntarist school. According to the Dualists, the informal sector consists of marginal activities very different from the formal sector and not related to the later at all. The Dualists are of the view that the informal economy is a means of livelihood for the poor and something to fall back upon in financial upheavals (Hart 1973, ILO, 1972, Chen, 2012). The Structuralists believe that informal sector consists of micro-enterprises and workers that play a key role in reducing the input/labour costs, thus, facilitating increased competitiveness of big capitalist firms (Castells and Portes, 1989). The legalists such as DeSoto refers to informal sector consisting of micro-entrepreneurs who choose to function informally to avoid the cost and time incurred registering formally. All they require is property rights to ensure that their assets are converted to and recognized as legal assets (De Soto, 1989, 2000). The Voluntarist school tends to focus as well on the entrepreneurs striving to avoid taxes and regulation, however, compared to legalist school they do not put the blame on the burdensome procedures of registration (Chen, 2012).

It appears that the activity-based definitions around informal economy have gained ground in the recent past. The OECD, IMF and ILO reiterates that the informal sector includes “all legal activities that are deliberately are deliberately concealed from public authorities for the following reasons: to avoid payment of income, value added or other taxes; to avoid payments to social security contributions, to avoid having to meet certain legal standards such as minimum wages, maximum hours, safety or health standards etc…” (OECD, 2000:139, Gurtoo and Williams, 2009:2).

The emergence and persistence of the informal economy


During 1950’s and 60’s it was acknowledged that there exists a dichotomy between urban economies, that is, along with the organized industries an unprotected and unorganized sector also subsists. This sector was first identified as an‘informal sector’by Hart (1971) and owing to the introduction of this sector as an informal economy the activities that were not incorporated in theoretical models of development were finally made a part of it (Chaudhuri and Mukhopadhyay, 2009). The informal sector was initiated at the launch ILO World Employment Programme and as a result of the ILO Kenya Report (1972). A major portion of ILO’s work on informality sees it as correlated to poverty. In this section I will be referring to globalization and rampant poverty being the reasons for emergence and persistence of informal economy.

Globalization and the informal economy

Chaudhuri and Mukhopadhyay (2009) state that globalization and the major forces that drive it i.e. trade liberalization are considered to be the key reasons for the large number of workers in the informal economy. The term ‘globalization’ refers to reduction in barriers to trade, liberalization of the external flows of capital and international labor migration. The literature on the informal sector depicts that the way the workforce is becoming increasingly casual in nature is to some extent owing to the liberalized regime. How? It is argued that owing to enhanced market competition and uncertainty as a result of globalization, the entrepreneurs are moving towards higher capital-intensive productions and that results in laying-off human labor force. Many people who are laid off cannot afford to remain unemployed and hence seek employment in the informal sector. Another reason why globalization perpetuates informal sector is that in order to curtail costs and remain competitive, some entrepreneurs prefer subcontracting some stages of their production process to informal sections that can assist them in minimizing training and maintenance costs of labor force (Chaudhuri and Mukhopadhyay, 2009).

It is established that the major shortcoming of globalization is that even more people are ‘self employed’ today compared to pre-globalization era. Yet, being self-employed does not depict that the workers’ conditions are ideal. In fact, a fundamental portion of the burgeoning workforce finds itself in casual, contractual, home-based, own-account and migrant work within the informal sector having no social security. Although globalization has led to the proliferation of the informal sector, with the support and help of trade unions such as Self Employed Women Association (SEWA) the women working in the heterogeneous informal sector are lent support to earn and lead better lives and become more empowered (Kapoor, 2007). The point I am trying to make here is that notwithstanding the impact of globalization on expansion of informal economy trade unions and organizations like SEWA can play a part in making globalization work for the informal sector workers. How SEWA is making globalization work for the informal female workers? The case of Puriben Ahir explains that. She is from Gujarat in India and was working as a farmer but had no means to deal with enhanced mechanization, the new yielding seeds that didn’t go along with her drough-prone farms. The irregular nature of her work and frequent migration became her way of life. She then decided to join SEWA. Upon joining it she was not only able to raise her financial status and her status in the family and the community was also elevated. Through SEWA she also gained access to the market and was able to tap the national as well as international markets. This depicts that if dealt properly informal sector emerging due to globalization can be tackled and its adverse effects could be curtailed (Kapoor, 2007).

Poverty and informality

It is argued that one of the key characteristics of the informal sector is poverty and that there is a strong nexus between poverty and informal sector participation (Mead and Morrison, 1996). In order to provide an insight to this argument I will look at the case of India. The literature on informal economy in India suggests that during the years 1999-2000 and 2004-05, the following four states had the largest share of the informal sector Bihar followed by Uttar Pardesh, Rajistan and Orissa. It is also observed that poverty is more prevalent in these four states of India compared to the others. The incident of poverty in these states is quite higher than the national average. Thus depicting that there is a positive correlation between poverty and informal sector (Naik, 2009).

Mead and Morrison (1996) state that despite the belief that a strong relation exists between poverty and informal sector there is a contrary view stating that there does not exist any data set that allows anyone to make the assumption around poverty-informal economy nexus. According to Cartaya (1994) while studying the levels of income for informal workers in Venezuela the association between informal sector and poverty is not definite and conclusive. She argues that there are many poor households with downtrodden workers not a part of the informal sector. Simultaneously there are numerous people in the informal sector who are not poor. In a nutshell it will be misleading to see poverty as a defining feature of the informal sector although some level of association do exist between poverty and informality (Cartaya, 1994).

The informal sector and the role of the state: the case of Lahore, Pakistan

In this section, I will be analyzing the informal sector in Lahore, Pakistan. My analysis will be based on the research study commissioned by WIEGO and Inclusive Cities project in which I was involved being an employee and a part of the “Informal Economy Budget Analysis” project in Shirkat Gah, a leading women rights organization in Pakistan. I will study how the informal sector workers located in Shahdara, Ravi Town in Lahore operated under informality and if the working conditions were too precarious. I will look at whether Pakistan’s government is able to lend protection to the workers in this sector primarily to the waste pickers and the home-based workers. Finally I will delve in to why the state has not been successful in affording protection to these workers and what prevents formalization from taking place in the country.

Overview of informal sector in Lahore, Pakistan

In Lahore, a majority of urban workforce is informal. Notwithstanding that, it is observed that in many cities in Asia, Lahore being one of them, the informal sector and their livelihood are overlooked or at times totally ignored in city planning and economic development at the local level. The major dilemma for the informal sector workers in Pakistan is their exclusion from economic policies and city/urban planning. The urban informal workforce and the working poor in Lahore are often not recognized and supported by the city authorities and ignored when the city is developing economic land allocation and zoning plans. In Lahore, many informal sector workers toil for hours in deplorable working conditions and exploitative practices (Lean Lim, 2015).

The profile of Shahdara, Lahore

Ravi town is among the nine towns in Lahore. Shahdara is a huge and busy Union Council located close to a huge waste dump in Lahore. The town recently experienced urbanization as a result many migrant from rural areas of Pakistan had settled down there (Budlender, 2009).

Informal sector workers in Shahdara, Lahore

The research conducted in Shahdara by Shirkat Gah employees through dialogues and engagement with random homes-based workers and waste pickers depicted the following trends. It was revealed that waste-picking was mostly undertaken by the families of Afghan refugees who migrated to Pakistan as a result of being displaced during the Afghan war. The refugees were residing in the slums near Lahore and in their waste picking work both their children and wives were involved. The reported family income of these waste pickers is between Rs. 6000-8000 per month not enough to sustain the families (Budlender, 2009).

Moreover, the home-based workers in Shahdara were mostly found to be women. Most of these women do not have attained high levels of education (studied only up to grade 5) and usually work on piece-rates receiving abysmally low wages and sporadic incomes. Most of the female home-based workers interviewed in Shahdara were engaged in sewing, embroidery, carpet weaving, making henna cones and cooking. The sewers who work as part-time employees in people’s home have irregular flow of income as their orders reach their peak during Eid and wedding season and slow down during other days (Mumtaz, 2009). The home-based workers are predominantly females, 65% of women are in this sector as apposed to 4% of men. Within Lahore, a stark inequality and disparity was observed between the women and men in the informal sector. The female home-based workers were subjected to increased inequality compared to their male counterparts as they were required to work for much longer hours for a reasonable amount of income. Moreover due to the patriarchal society of Pakistan most women had no control over spending the wages they had earned and at times were abused and exploited by their male employers or men in their family (Mumtaz et al, 2009). Hence (Chen et al; 2004) believes that if women in the informal sector are given due support by the state or steps are taken to formalize the informal nature of their work it would result in ameliorating poverty and gender inequality.

Dilemmas of the informal sector workers in Shahdara, Lahore (Chen and Sindha, 2016)

Evictions and relocation of homes away from contractors, markets and customers. This could be addressed by upgrading informal housing and settlements

Many home-based workers who work from home lack quality and spacious housing. As many of them live in small houses, they are unable to take orders in bulk owing to a lack of storage space. The space they live in has completing needs of other activities and members of house. Some houses not built with high quality face rooftop leaks during monsoon rain that hampers and impedes the working and productivity of these workers.

Some workers are faced with the dilemma of high rents and scarcity of affordable housing

Right to basic infrastructure: Consistent power failure in Lahore and high cost of electricity. Power outages are a major worry for the home-based workers engaged in sewing clothes as they rely on electrical sewing machines. Lack of water and sanitation issues in Shahdara.

Inadequate public transport: At times home-based workers have to leave their homes for work and thus complain about high cost and lack of round the clock availability of public transport in Lahore

Lack of secure a secure and transparent contracts

Occupational, health and safety issues such as being exposed to toxic substances and long hours with very little rest time

The formalization debate: Has formalization been achieved in Lahore and what role has the government played in achieving that?


Pakistan is increasingly faced with the challenge to manage its informal sector, as this sector is draining the country’s formal economy. The Center for International Private Enterprises (CIPE) and the Lahore Chamber of Commerce is taking the initiative to encourage informal workers to become a part of the formal sector (Dawn, 2011). At this point it is pertinent to explain what formalization is all about. The process of formalization refers to shifting informal workers to formal wage jobs and this could be made possible when the government of Pakistan is able to create more jobs and do away with the phenomenon of ‘jobless growth’. However, there is no precise definition of formalization and for some the term simply means ensuring registration of informal enterprises and taxing them (Chen, 2012).

The need of the hour for the government of Punjab to address the issue of burgeoning informal sector is to ensure that it registers and taxes formalized enterprises, provides homes-based workers and waste pickers with access to legal and social protection. In the case of home-based workers, it would be ideal if technical and vocational training institutes could impart trainings to home-based workers and build their capacities. Moreover, the government of Punjab needs to ensure that they are represented in the relevant collective bargaining process and policy making.

Practical steps that the government of Punjab could adopt for formalization of some of the informal workforce (Williams and Lansky, 2013)

Advertise and impose penalties for informal sector workers

Simplify compliance rules for entering formal sector

Promote benefits of formal work and educate the workers in the informal sector

Ensure tax fairness

Ensure principles of equality and non-discrimination

Enhance social protection measures

Lower cost to access the formal sector

Create more jobs in the formal sector

Ensure access to basic infrastructure

Do away with biases against labor, biases that privilege capital (Carr and Chen, 2004)

     Biases against the informal workforce

     Biases against women favoring men

Has formalization completely failed in Pakistan?


In my view, despite the prevalent informal economy, the process of formalization is not an utter failure in Pakistan. According to the Dawn (2011), the State Bank of Pakistan introduced the Credit Guarantee Scheme for commercial banks to ensure coverage of default risk of borrowing businessmen and that includes the informal sector-to 60% of first loss. Moreover, informal enterprises in the manufacturing sector are encouraged to use the testing, standardization and quality assurance facilities of the government in order to enhance the capacity of product and market development. The attempt towards formalization in Pakistan especially Punjab is not an utter disappointment and this could be gauged by the fact that newspaper deliverers in Pakistan have organized themselves i.e. previously they were a part of the unorganized sector (Dawn, 2011).



The discussion in this paper highlights that the two leading factors of emergence and persistence of the informal sector in Pakistan are globalization/trade liberalization and poverty. Although it is also argued that it will be wrong to believe that all worker sin this sector are poor or that poor workers are only found in this sector. However, we have also seen that in Shahdara the majority of the home based workers were females from low economic standing that is why they were forced to work and earn wages through piece rate.

The informal sector is not an utter disaster as it does provide means of livelihood and sustenance to the people belonging to impoverished backgrounds, however in the long run it could strain the formal economy as well and hence steps should be taken by the governments of the developing countries towards formalization. In my view, although the state of Pakistan is working towards formalizing its informal sector, it still has a really long way to go. It needs to focus on the persistent inequalities that exist between women and men and different economic classes within the informal sector and ensure that its policies and law take into account the contributions made by the workers in the unorganized sector.




“Employment, incomes and equality: A strategy for increasing productive employment in Kenya : Geneva: ILO, 1972. Pp. xx + 600. [UK pound]3.96” World Development, Elsevier, vol. 1(6), pages 78-80, June.

Budlender, D., 2009. Informal Economy Budget Analysis in Pakistan and Ravi Town, Lahore. Lahore: Women in Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing.

Carr, M. and Chen, M., 2004. Globalization, Social Exclusion, and Work: With Special Reference to Informal Employment and Gender.

Cartaya, V., 1994. Informality and poverty: Causal relationship or coincidence?. The informal Sector Debate in Latin America State University of New York Press, Albany, NY, pp.223-250.

Chaudhuri, S. and Mukhopadhyay, U., 2009. Revisiting the Informal Sector. Springer.

Chen, M.A. and Sinha, S., 2016. Home-based workers and cities. Environment and Urbanization, 28(2), pp.343-358.

Chen, M.A., 2012. The informal economy: Definitions, theories and policies (Vol. 1, No. 26, pp. 90141-4). WIEGO working Paper.

Chen, M.A., Vanek, J. and Carr, M., 2004. Mainstreaming informal employment and gender in poverty reduction: A handbook for policy-makers and other stakeholders. Commonwealth Secretariat.

De Soto, H., 1989. The other path (p. 17133). New York: Harper & Row.

De Soto, H., 2000. The mystery of capital: Why capitalism triumphs in the West and fails everywhere else. Basic Civitas Books.

Gurtoo, A. and Williams, C.C., 2009. Entrepreneurship and the informal sector: some lessons from India. The International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation, 10(1), pp.55-62.

Handbook, O.E.C.D., 2002. Measuring the Non-Observed Economy.

Hart, K., 1973. Coiner of Term “Informal Sector” Late 1960s Study in Accra, Ghana. Informal Income Opportunities…., the journal of modern african studies, 11(1), pp.61-89.

Kapoor, A., 2007. The SEWA way: shaping another future for informal labour. Futures, 39(5), pp.554-568.

La Porta, R. and Shleifer, A., 2014. Informality and development. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 28(3), pp.109-26.

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Mumtaz, K., Saleem, N., Shujat, S. and Qureshi, J., 2010. Informal economy budget analysis in Pakistan and Ravi Town, Lahore. Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO). Retrieved from.

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Williams, C.C. and Lansky, M.A., 2013. Informal employment in developed and developing economies: Perspectives and policy responses. International Labour Review, 152(3-4), pp.355-380.


Arab Marriage and Family Formation

Arab societies are undergoing major changes as new patterns of marriage and family formation emerge across the region. For long decades, early marriage was the common pattern in the Arab world. However, it is no longer the only pattern. The average age of marriage is rising and more Arab women are staying single for a long time and sometimes they don’t get married at all.
These new marriage trends in the Arab World are part of a world global phenomenon. The changes of marriage trends in the Arab world reflect the social and economic changes taking place in the region. Arab economies moved away from agrarian based systems which supported both early marriage and extended family numbers [Hoda R.and Magued O., 2005].
The majority of the Arab populations live in cities working in industrial or service sectors. Today, Arab women are more educated and more likely to work outside their homes for personal and financial independence. These changes create a new image of woman and change her past traditional role as a mother and household member.
The objective of this research is the studying of marriage issue in the Arab world because marriage is one of the key important factors that determine the social and economic present and future in the Arab countries. Both problems of early marriage and increase of average age of marriage of marriage are explained. Finally, a recommended solutions and actions are proposed in order to naturalize the two problems for decreasing the negative impacts and creation of better Arab societies.

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Importance of Marriage in Arab Society
Family is the main concern in Arab societies. Family is considered the main social security system for young and elder people in Arab countries. In Arab culture, parents are responsible for children well into those children’s adult lives, and children reciprocate by taking responsibility for the care of their aging parents—responsibilities that Arabs generally take on with great pride. Marriage for Arabs is thus both an individual and a family matter.
In Arab societies, marriage is considered the turning point that defines prestige, recognition, and societal approval on both partners, particularly the bride. Marriage in Arab societies is considered the social and economic contract between two families. Marriage is also considered the right form of socially, culturally, and legally acceptable sexual relationship [1].
Early marriage in Arab World
Early marriage is any form of marriage that takes place at age of 18 years. Early marriages are often associated with enforcement. Forced marriage is the marriage conducted without full consent of both parties and sometimes with a threat [2].From human rights point of view, early marriage is considered a violation of human rights conventions. In Arab societies- especially developing countries- early marriage, is considered a means of securing young girls’ future and protecting them. Wars and social problems may leads also to early marriage as in Palestine, where the intifada has led to earlier marriage.
Many countries in the world have declared 18 as the minimum legal age of marriage. However, more than millions of young girls are expected to marry in the next decade according to the international statistics. [2].
Early marriage has decreased in many world countries in the last decades. However, it is still common in rural areas and among poor people. Poor parents believe that early marriage will protect their daughters and save their future. Young girls are forced into marriage by their families while they are still children because they think that marriage benefits them and secure their financial and social future.
Early marriage violates children rights because it decreases their human development, leaving them socially isolated with little education, skills and opportunities for employment and self-realization. These conditions ultimately make married girls vulnerable to poverty .Early marriage is a health and human rights violation because it takes place within the context of poverty and gender inequality with social, cultural and economic dimensions [3].
Reasons of early marriage in Arab World
There different reasons of early marriage in Arab countries, some of these reasons are referred to cultural reasons, others are referred to economic reasons. Some of these reasons are: High poverty rates, birth rates and death rates, greater incidence of conflict and civil wars, lower levels of overall development, including schooling, employment, health care and believes that early marriage is a means of securing young girls’ future and protecting them [4]. Traditional values surrounding girls’ virginity and family honour play a major role in Arab families’ decisions to marry off their daughters at young ages [1].
Effects of early marriage
Although the trend of early marriage is decreasing in the Arab world, the number of young girls in Arab countries teenagers who are married is still high. Early marriage is generally associated with early childbearing and high fertility, both of which pose health risks for women and their children [5]. Young mothers are at greater risk than older mothers of dying from causes related to pregnancy and childbirth. And the younger a bride is, the more significant the age gap with her husband tends to be—which exacerbates her disadvantage in negotiating with her husband on matters such as her own health care needs [6].
Young wives are required to do a many hard domestic duties, including new roles and responsibilities as wives and mothers. The young bride’s status in the family is dependent on her demonstrating her fertility within the first year of marriage when she is not physiologically and emotionally prepared [7]. Young wives are forced to be responsible for the care and welfare of their families and future generations while they are still children themselves.
They have no decision making powers, restricted mobility and limited economic resources. Early marriage is a direct cause of woman poverty and wide age gaps between younger married girls and their spouses create unequal power relations between the young bride and her older and more experienced husband, resulting in husbands having total control over sexual relations and decision-making [5].
Young wives are often unable to make wise plans for their families and may be forced to select between one of two hard choices: either to tolerate husbands’ violence or to make crimes (killing them). AIDS epidemic increases in young women due to the combination socioeconomic, cultural and political factors that put young women at greater risk of HIV infection due to the lack of sexual knowledge and limited access to information and resources. Younger women may face unsuccessful marriages and divorce could happen as a result of lack of maturity, incomplete independence, limited time to get prepared for marriage and having kids, dealing with education/career building and family formation at the same time.
Relative Marriage in Arab World
Marriage between relatives is a significant feature in Arab societies. High rate of marriage between relatives is known as consanguinity. Marriage between relatives is clear in Arab countries such as Libya and Sudan. Sometimes, consanguineous marriage is arranged marriages that reflects the wishes of the marrying relatives. But marriage between close relatives can jeopardize the health of their offspring, as can marriage among families with a history of genetic diseases [1].
New trends in Marriage in Arab world
In the last decade, early marriage has declined in many Arab countries such as Kuwait and Emirates. For example , in Emirates, the pace of decline is very significant where the percentage of women ages 15 to 19 who were married dropped from 57 percent in 1975 to 8 percent by 1995 [1]. The general feature of marriage pattern in the for the region as a whole, women are marrying later in late of 20th or 30th and some women are not marrying at all.
As shown in table (1), In Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon, only 1 percent to 4 percent of women ages 15 to 19 are married, and the percentage of women ages 35 to 39 who have never married in these countries now ranges from 15 percent to 21 percent. The percentage of women ages 35 to 39 who have never married is a good indicator for measuring changes in the universality of marriage, because the likelihood of a single woman marrying after age 40 is quite low [8]
Pan-Arab Project for Child Development: Arab Mother and Child Health; Council of Health Ministers of GCC States, Gulf Family Health Surveys; and Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics’ special tabulations of the 2004 Palestinian Demographic and Health Survey .
Palestinians have different marriage pattern where early is the most type that takes place. The main reason is the war and occupation where families wishes to increase the generation for freeing their countries and help them to face hard life in the region. As shown in figure (), most of Palatines marry in the age of 14 to 24 year old [1].
SOURCES: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, special tabulation, 2004 Palestinian Demographic and Health Survey.
The marriage-age gap is particularly pronounced in Arab societies. One-quarter of recent marriages in Egypt and Lebanon had women at least 10 years younger than their husbands [9].
Marriage problem in Egypt
The main problem of marriage in Egypt is its high costs especially because of dowry, Shabka, Housing, Furniture and appliances and gihaz. Regardless of the economic situations of marrying couples and their families, the gihaz and other goods purchased to set up the newlyweds’ home have to be new, not used.
The rising cost of marriage is in part attributed to the rising expectations and consumerism that have accompanied the opening of the Egyptian economy, which began in the 1970s. The country’s high cost of housing and furnishings have had a number of unintended consequences for marriage patterns, such as youth entering into urfi (common-law marriages that are unregistered and generally secretive) as well as men marrying women who are older and financially secured [10].
Nonconventional Forms of Marriage
The high costs of Arab marriage as well as high unemployment and economic difficulties are blamed for the spread of so-called “urfi” (or common law) marriages among young urban adults in some countries in the region. Generally hidden from the participants’ families, urfi marriages are undertaken to avoid the difficulties of a standard marriage and give a sexual relationship some degree of legitimacy.
The secrecy surrounding urfi marriages puts young women at a particular disadvantage because these women are not able to negotiate the terms of their marriage a role usually played by families in conventional marriages. There are thousands of urfi marriages cases in Egypt among university students [11].
Traditionally, urfi marriages have been religiously condoned as proper if the couple’s parents approve of the marriage and there is a public announcement of the ban. Some families in rural villages opt for urfi marriages when the bride is too young to be legally married, deferring the official registration of the marriages to a future date. But the public, the religious establishment, and the legal system have generally perceived urban urfi marriages as a pretext and cover for premarital sex.
Another form of unconventional marriage in the Arab World is the muta’a and messyar. Muta’a is a temporary marriage, which is practiced by the Shi’ites in southern Lebanon and other areas, couples specify in their marriage contract the date upon which the marriage ends. On ther hand, Messyar marriage is common in the Gulf region. In this type of marriage, there is an arrangement that man marries without any of the housing and financial responsibility that a standard Arab marriage generally requires of him.
In general, Messyar and Muta’a are practiced mostly by men who are marrying a second wife where they tend to give legitimacy to sexual relationships and reduce the number of never married women in society, they introduce other social complications, such as the upbringing of children from such marriages [1].
Women’s rights regarding marriage
According to the international human rights conventions, woman has the rights when entering, during and at the end of the marriage. When entering marriage, woman has the same right as a man to enter marriage only with full consent. A woman married under minimum age shouldn’t be considered legally married. Marriage must be registered in an official registry. If a woman marries someone with another nationality, she will not have her nationality automatically changed to that of her husband unless she chooses that [12].
During marriage, woman has the same rights and responsibilities as man. She has the right to equal access to health services, the right of protection from violence within the family. She also has the same rights as a man to decide freely about the number and spacing of children and to have access to information, education and means to exercise these rights [12].
Woman has the same rights and responsibilities as her husband towards children regardless of her marital status and family benefits. Change in woman’s husband nationality during marriage doesn’t imply that her nationality must be change. If woman is employed she must not be discriminated against on the grounds of marriage and maternity.
At the end of marriage, woman has the same rights as man when a marriage ends. Neither woman nationality nor that of her children shall automatically be affected by the ending of a marriage. Woman has the same rights and responsibilities as a man towards her children regardless of her marital status [12].
How to solve the problem?
There is an urgent need to for a better understanding of the social and economic environment surrounding Arab marriage. Policies and governmental programs should meet the youth need to marry and make families. Understanding of marriage patterns changes and their social and economic implications need to be addressed. Successful implementation including right decisions and accurate schedules are needed to address and meet the requirements and needs of young people who want to marry or remain single [1].
The recommended solutions for improving marriage situation in Arab World are:

Work cited

Hoda R. and Magued, O,, ” Marriage in the Arab World “, Population Reference Bureau, September 2005.

Stephen H. , “Early Marriage – Child Spouses “, Innocenti Digest no. 7, UNICEF , March 2007.

UNIFEM, “Forced and Early Marriage”, “URL:”, Advocates for Human Rights, August 2007.

Forum on Marriage and the Rights of Women and Girls, “Early Marriage and Poverty Exploring links for policy and program development” ,2003.

UNFPA, “The Promise of Inequality: Gender Inequality and Reproductive Health”, “URL:”, 2005.

World Health Organization, “WHO/UNFPA/Population Council Technical Consultation on Married Adolescents” ,Geneva: WHO, 2003.

United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office, ” A Choice by Right: Working Group on Forced Marriages Child Marriage Fact Sheet, 2000.

League of Arab States, Pan-Arab Project for Child Development: Arab Mother and Child Health Surveys , Pan-Arab Project for Family Health; Council of Health Ministers of GCC States, Gulf Family Health Surveys; ORC Macro, Demographic and Health Surveys; and Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics’ special tabulations of 2004 Palestinian Demographic and Health Survey.

Diane S. and Barbara I., “The Cost of Marriage in Egypt: A Hidden Variable in the New Arab Demography,” in the New Arab Family, Cairo Papers in Social Science 24 (2001): 80-116; and World Bank, “Building Institutions for Markets,” World Bank Report 2002 (Washington DC: World Bank, 2002): table 1.

Gihan S., “The Double Bind,” Al Ahram Weekly On-line 397 (Oct. 1-7, 1998).

The International Women’s Tribune Centre Rights of Women, “A Guide to the Most Important United Nations Treaties on Women’s Human Rights”, New York 1998.


Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

Constructivism – Ideas, Identity and Foreign Policy
In the analysis of international politics, the process of identity formation and how national interests are conceived should represent central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a state’s foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform two vital functions: expressing to the self and others who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. Due to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated set of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a state’s identity generates its interests and subsequent behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the identities it attributes to them, while simultaneously reproducing its own identity through social interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981:255). These notions have been conceptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system but also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive effects of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 2003:49). When studying inter-state relations, it has become essential to analyse how ideas are created, how they evolve and influence states’ perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve such an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that ‘the manner in which the material world shapes and is shaped by human action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the material world’ (Adler, 1997:322). From this perspective, constructivist frameworks show that even the most enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the study of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological reality of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of social facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were taken for granted (Adler, 1997:322-323).
Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or ‘the distribution of knowledge’ offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indications as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992:397).
One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be devoid of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to recognise that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jepperson, Wendt and Katzenstein, 1996:54). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and reproducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A significant point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities alone can ‘socialise’ states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989:459-460).

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Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several times the notions of ‘constitutive effects’ or being ‘mutually constitutive’, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which instantiate a phenomenon, rendering it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of ‘property theories’ because they have a different objective from causal explanations: to account for the properties of things by reference to the structures in virtue of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the ‘counterfactual claim of necessity… is conceptual or logical, not causal or natural’ (Wendt, 1998:106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricably linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions: the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 1999:87). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas – ‘terrorism’ cannot be conceived apart from a national security discourse that defines it. The national security discourse is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of ‘terrorism’, since without it the concept would be meaningless.
When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory usually ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The approach in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact – ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate is ‘the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations’ as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 1999:94). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to realism; after all, ‘modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production’ (Wendt, 1999:94). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. Here D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultimately refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993:214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generally
To further reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to challenge the conventional materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature – interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two distinct fields of knowledge and their associated scholars: cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. D’Andrade (1992:28) sees interests, desires or motivations as ‘schemas’ (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that ‘make possible the identification of objects and events’. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. D’Andrade (1992:31) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which alludes to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing – and these are learned through socialisation. In this sense, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for ‘achievement’: it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (D’Andrade, 1992:35). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological mechanisms influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material needs; one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines one’s interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learned sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture – an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent.
In foreign policy analysis, the concept of ‘national interest’ has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, particularly due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on the assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes ‘a matter of interpretation’ (Weldes, 1996:279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, constructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet ‘that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them’ (Wendt, 1992:396-397). Wendt’s work has had a fundamental contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regards states through the ‘black box’ metaphor, their internal processes being irrelevant to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992:401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national interests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996:280). The national actors’ ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971:112) noted, ‘civil society is the sphere in which the struggle to define the categories of common sense takes place’.
After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming irrelevant in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leaders were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging democracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to define and conceptualise one of its central notions – ‘identity’. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, ‘identity’ can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as ‘a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions’ (Wendt, 1999:224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understanding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992: 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level quality rooted in an actor’s self-understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999:225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner: Helen might think she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas: those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a general definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other: personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective.
First, ‘personal’ identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors distinct entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to ‘a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in; (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them; or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to’ (Fearon, 1999:25). What differentiates the ‘personal’ identity of intentional actors from that of other entities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999:225).
It cannot be denied that people constitute distinct entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory – a sense of ‘I’ – they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common narrative of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a ‘group Self’ capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994:602).
In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense employed when we refer to American,” French,” Muslim,” father,” homosexual,” (p.10)
National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to speak of the the role of an American,” except in a theatre play where role” means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities include party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother” is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll booth collector).
Lastly, ‘collective’ identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion – identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcended, namely Self is ‘categorised’ as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, ‘collective’ identity uses both ‘role’ and ‘type’ ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on ‘role’ identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted ‘Me’. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives: ‘role’ identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a ‘collective’ identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of ‘type’ identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. ‘Collective’ identity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all ‘type’ identities are collective because not all involve the identification process
Especially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil (1996) called ‘the return of culture and identity in IR theory’. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more ‘objective’ and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent ‘return’ of identity does not necessarily imply that the current use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999; Albert et al., 2001).
One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campbell. In his 1992 book Writing security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity.
According to Campbell ‘Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat’ (Campbell 1992: 1). As ‘danger is an effect of interpretation’ (Ibid: 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbell’s argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discourses of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbell’s theory – a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity – is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices associated with a discourse of danger.
We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbell’s creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are ‘paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities’ (Ibid: 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, ‘for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations'(Ibid: 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the state’s continued success as an impelling identity. ‘The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a state’s identity or existence: it is its condition of possibility'( Ibid: 12).
Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity – and its insecurities – are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.  

Metal Complex Formation in Wastewater Systems

‘Metal Complex Formation in Wastewater Systems’


Wastewater comprises domestic, industrial or commercial used water. It is a combination of the greywater (water from baths, sinks, washing machines and kitchen sources) and blackwater (a mixture of urine, feces and flush water). Chemistry of wastewater is very interesting as it includes ions, organic chemicals, heavy metals, metalloids, and microplastics. We are particularly interested in studying metal complexes in wastewater. Complex ion has metal at its center with some ions or molecules attached to a central atom with coordinate bonds. [1]An ion or molecule attached to a metal atom is known as Ligand.

Fig: A Chromium (Cr) metal is surrounded by ammonia molecules forming complex ion. [2]

This case study would be considering heavy metal and it’s complex structures. Heavy metals refer to chemical structures that have relatively high density and is toxic or poisonous at lower concentration. Examples : Mercury(Hg), Cadmium(Cd), Arsenic(As), Lead(Pb), Chromium(Cr) etc. They have the property to bioaccumulate and it’s concentration rises over time.

Important Disasters with Metals

a)     Minamata disaster

This disaster occurred in 1932 in Minamata City, south-west region of Japan’s Kyushu Island. However, it was officially discovered that marine products in Minamata Bay displayed high levels of Hg contamination (5.61 to 35.7 ppm). Chisso Co. Ltd discharged containing MeHg contaminated wastewater in the surrounding leading to Minamata disease affecting a larger population in that area. [3]

b)     Donana Disaster

This disaster occurred in 1998 in Andalusia, southern Spain when a holding dam burst at the mine releasing dangerous levels of several heavy metals and its complexes. (First citation in the Wikipedia). Since, the waste was highly acidic, which contained a mixture of lead, copper, zinc, cadmium and other metals. It had a greater ecological impact, and nothing survived. (Wikipedia 6th citation).

Metal Complexes in Natural Water Systems

Natural water is classified as a water system that has less than 20 mg l-1 of organic matter or water that has total organic concentrations as high as 100 mg l-1. [4] The rationale behind studying metal complexes in the natural water system to obtain data amendable to biology like toxicity to aquatic organisms. [5] Later, the concept of metal complexes in natural systems help to extract metals using the precipitation by developing the concept of stability concepts for metal-ligand complexes. By changing the chemistry of complexation in an organism, it would be helpful to retain a pool of free metal ion, which aids in the new field of bioremediation. (Book: Water Chemistry: Second edition, page number 549-556).

Metal Complexes in Wastewater Systems

Relatively, little attention to heavy metal speciation in samples such as sewage, sewage effluent, and sludge was given until the 1980s due to matrix interference effects and uncertainty about the validity of sensitive analytic techniques applied to these metal complexes. [6] The study of metal complexes in wastewater started getting into the radar around the 1980s as it helps researchers and scientists understand the partitioning of heavy metals into various forms, which eventually help in determining dispersion and impact in the environment. The importance of metal speciation has been recognized in anaerobic wastewater treatment as it appears that biological processes are susceptible to metal toxicity [7] For sewage sludge, the importance of heavy metals and its speciation influences physiochemical forms of heavy metals and their bioavailability [8] It has been considered to use as an application to explore and manipulate cell biology [9] Characterizing ligands from metals originating from different sources in wastewater effluent has been a challenge and there are researchers, who believe that solving this problem can open a new field in wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE). [10]

Analytical Chemistry, Separation Methods, and Limitations

There are two different approaches involved in understanding the speciation of metal complexes in wastewater. The first one is analytical chemistry, which is used to study one or multiple groups of species present in many other metal forms. The second alternative method is the separation method, which is used to isolate species of interest before determining the metal concentration. [6]

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Many analytical methods have been used throughout the scientific arena, but few popular ones will be discussed here along with the potential. Direct determination by ion-specific electrodes (ISEs) is one of the oldest yet popular method that has been used to determine free metal in systems where a variety of metal species exist. Since the calibration is simple and it almost gives a direct readout of free metal ions, it is very easy to use.[6] However, there have been questions on what kind of electrodes to use while experimenting with electrodes may respond to other metals present more than limiting concentrations.[11] Interferences have been detected by [12] while working with copper metal speciation. [Cu2+] selective electrode gives a positive response in solutions of citrate, tartrate in the absence of copper [13]

Advanced analytical techniques like Size Exclusion Chromatography (SEC) coupled to an ICP-MS also has its own limitations as it detects for multiple elements simultaneously like complexes of P-species in the environment and mobile phase can interact with the column giving uncertainties [14] Studies using ion-exchange methods demonstrated that principal organic ligands in sewage most likely multidentate and neutral charges like NH3 have lower affinity for species with lesser like Ni2+. Developing specific ion-exchange techniques was brought inconsistency in the metal concentrations [15].

Importance of Metal Complexation

It helps in understanding the fate and transport of the heavy metals and the species persisting in our ecosystem. It also helps to understand the interaction of metals with different kinds of ligands, facilitate the hydrolysis reactions, magnetic properties of transition metals and bioremediation processes [9]. 10 different metals from their complex structures would help in the interpretation of the relationship between metal exposure and population health through the use of wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE) [10] .

Environmental Engineering Chemistry and Metal Complexation in Wastewater Systems

Chemistry of the metal complexation emphasizes the importance of method validation while performing any experiments. It is evidence of how science has evolved and the scientific advancement that our generation has achieved. It highlights the difference between the natural system and the engineered system, and how chemistry could change with different matrices. Metal complexes study helps in extracting metals from the wastewater and paddles towards sustainability promoting a circular economy. A model to capture the relative potential for economic value of 13 metals with a combined value of sludge worth U.S. $280 per ton of sludge. [16]

[1] “Metal Complexes” [Online]. Available:’s_College%2C_Notre_Dame%2C_IN/CHEM_342%3A_Bio-inorganic_Chemistry/Readings/Week_2%3A_Introduction_to_Metal-Ligand_Interactions/2.1_Introduction_to_metal_complexes/

[2] B. M, Water chemistry. Grooveland: Waveland Press Inc.

[3] M. Harada, “Critical Reviews in Toxicology Minamata Disease: Methylmercury Poisoning in Japan Caused by Environmental Pollution Minamata Disease: Methylmercury Poisoning in Japan Caused by Environmental Pollution,” Crit. Rev. Toxicol., 1995.

[4] J. H. Reuter and E. M. Perdue, “Importance of heavy metal-organic matter interactions in natural waters,” Geochim. Cosmochim. Acta, 1977.

[5] T. A. Neubecker and H. E. Allen, “The measurement of complexation capacity and conditional stability constants for ligands in natural waters,” Water Research. 1983.

[6] “complexing sites available would be dominated by major cations , such as Ca 2 ÷ , Mg 2 ÷ , Fe 2 + and Fe B ÷ , and there is little scope for the inclusion of ill-defined organic moieties in speciation models . Natural waters may generally be classified as,” vol. 34, pp. 117–141, 1984.

[7] F. E. Mosey, “Assessment of the maximum concentration of heavy metals in crude sewage which will not inhibit the anaerobic digestion of sludge,” Water Pollut. Control, 1976.

[8] J. N. Lester, R. M. Sterritt, and P. W. W. Kirk, “Significance and behaviour of heavy metals in waste water treatment processes II. Sludge treatment and disposal,” Sci. Total Environ., 1983.

[9] K. L. Haas and K. J. Franz, “Application of metal coordination chemistry to explore and manipulate cell biology,” Chem. Rev., vol. 109, no. 10, pp. 4921–4960, 2009.

[10] C. Markosian and N. Mirzoyan, “Wastewater-based epidemiology as a novel assessment approach for population-level metal exposure,” Sci. Total Environ., vol. 689, pp. 1125–1132, 2019.

[11] G. J. Moody and J. D. R. Thomas, “Selective ion-sensitive electrodes,” Sel. Annu. Rev. Anal. Sci., 1973.

[12] J. Barica, “Unusual Response of a Cupric Ion Electrode in Prairie Lake Waters,” J. Fish. Res. Board Canada, 1978.

[13] M. F. El-Taras, E. Pungor, and G. Nagy, “The influence of some organic complexing agents on the potential of copper(II) – selective electrodes. application of the silicone rubber-based electrode to the determination of citrate ion and 8-hydroxyquinoline,” Anal. Chim. Acta, 1976.

[14] A. K. Venkatesan, W. Gan, H. Ashani, P. Herckes, and P. Westerhoff, “Size exclusion chromatography with online ICP-MS enables molecular weight fractionation of dissolved phosphorus species in water samples,” Water Res., vol. 133, pp. 264–271, 2018.

[15] F. F. Cantwell, J. S. Nielsen, and S. E. Hrudey, “Free Nickel Ion Concentration in Sewage by an Ion Exchange Column-Equilibration Method,” Anal. Chem., 1982.

[16] P. Westerhoff et al., “Characterization, Recovery Opportunities, and Valuation of Metals in Municipal Sludges from U.S. Wastewater Treatment Plants Nationwide,” Environ. Sci. Technol., vol. 49, no. 16, pp. 9479–9488, 2015.