SPRING, A Poem By Edna St. Vincent Millay

SPRINGBy: Edna St. Vincent Millay (1892-1950) To what purpose, April, do you return again?Beauty is not enough.You can no longer quiet me with the rednessOf little leaves opening stickily.
I know what I know.The sun is hot on my neck as I observeThe spikes of the crocus.The smell of the earth is good.
It is apparent that there is no death.But what does that signify?Not only under ground are the brains of menEaten by maggots.
Life in itselfIs nothing,An empty cup, a flight of uncarpeted stairs.It is not enough that yearly, down this hill,
AprilComes like an idiot, babbling and strewing flowers.Spring
“Spring” is a powerful free verse poem written by Edna St. Vincent Millay, in 1921 . At first glance, this poem does not seem extremely meaningful. However, the time during which it was written, explains the poem’s true importance because it is after World War. It contains figurative language, specifically describing post war trauma. The tone and mood enforce the element of war to a greater extent. The atmosphere created by the author is vague, but looking deeply into the metaphorical language, allows you to truly understand the casualties. In the poem “Spring” written by Edna St. Vincent Millay, war is cruel and indescribable. In quatrain three, line three, Millay writes, “Not only under ground are the brains of men.” This depicts the battlefield. The author explains that as spring arrives, the reality of the war is forgotten. Citizens continue with their lives, forgetting about the casualties. The nice weather comes, but it should have never covered up the war. The author is also upset. She is angry regarding the month of April. Millay is trying to ask what the point of Spring is, after the death of so many. The bright flowers, the warm sun and the nice breeze are useless when there is no one to admire them.On another note, the written part of the poem consists of four quatrains and one couplet. Three lines of each quatrain are end-stopped, while the remaining one is enjambed. In the couplet, one line is enjamed and the other is end-stopped. In the first two quatrains, the author is unsatisfied. Millay could be indecisive about the month of April. However, the remainder of the poem identifies that she is frustrated with society. The last two lines of the fourth quatrain explain this theory. She is identifying life as pointless and useless. Millay may not believe in war and is angered by it. The couplet enforces this prediction even more. The tone of the last line indicates her frustration, anger and irritation. The rhythm is irregular with no specific rhyme scene. However, this free verse poem has a pattern similar to Shakespearean poems; the first eight lines are talking about a subject, which builds up to contradict against the rest of the poem. In this case, for the first eight lines, the poet discusses the climate and nature during April, and then contrasts it to war for the rest of the poem. There are some lines in this poem, which are metaphors and have symbolism. For example, the last two lines of the fourth quatrain. The “empty cup, ” symbolizes the future. It explains our future to be nothing. This is also a metaphor because it compares life to an empty cup. Fighting will lead to nothing. This is the hidden message in this line. The atmosphere of the poem always relates back to war. There is a lot of imagery in the poem. For example, line four of the first quatrain. The reader can imagine the tiny leaves opening slowly, as the day goes by. This makes it a form of imagery. In the third line of the third quatrain, the author is referring to a place known as ‘No Man’s Land.’ This is the land between two trenches that all soldiers feared, because of death, due to exploding shells.

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The entire poem is cacophonic. “The sun is hot /the spikes of the crocus /eaten by maggots ,” are all unpleasant phrases. These expressions helped create the tone, which is war and casualties. This poem is unique in another sense as well. The author is speaking to the season, which is quite preposterous. The last line of this poem is another unique phrase. The author personifies April. He remarks on April as knowing nothing. It just comes and brings some useless flowers, thinking that all will become well; these shall not be accepted because of the war. The poem was an understatement because truly looking at just the text, line eleven was the only sentence, which talked about the victims. Millay has chosen her words extremely carefully when writing this poem. She vaguely describes the true meaning and theme of this literature. What I mean by this is that, without a biography, it would be difficult to infer the true theme of this poem. War is embedded in the specific language and the result is a truly unique poem. The precise symbolism has true meaning when deeply investigated. An illusion has been created by the title of “Spring” giving this poem an even greater twist. “Spring” by Edna St. Vincent Millay is about war and the results; an inhospitable environment with casualties and no future.  

Why Stravinskys Rite Of Spring Is Revolutionary

The Rite of Spring is famously and perhaps infamously regarded as one of the most major turning points in the history of Western music. Furthermore, the notoriously catastrophic reception at the première of Stravinsky’s 1912 composition has now come to be appreciated as an historical phenomenon in its own right of unmatched and, in all likelihood, unmatchable proportions. The social climate capable of spawning outrage of such violent and uncouth physical embodiment as evidenced in the theatre in Paris that fateful day of 29 May, 1913, betrays at its core an undercurrent of volatility which reaches its talons well beyond the scope of aesthetic opinion and pleasurable diversion into something much more sinister. The Rite of Spring sparked a revolution which may be considered truly political in nature; a sociological confrontation which elicited spontaneous combustion in the music world and from which point, nothing would ever be the same. The following study will expound upon the nature of this revolution and collate a survey of possible reasons for its extraordinary and unprecedented sociological impact.

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The Rite of Spring was the third in a triptych of ballets by Igor Stravinsky for Sergei Diaghilev’s itinerant company the Ballets Russes, an initiative which travelled the continent to perform and met with particular success in Paris as the result of the city’s large Russian exile population and its rooting in Neonationalistic Russian themes. The Rite’s predecessors The Firebird (1910) and Petrouchka (1911) achieved near unanimous positivity and celebrated critical acclaim. The Rite was written over the course of several months in late 1912 but the rehearsal season was considerably extended due to its choreographic complexity, not to mention the comparable inexperience of the young dancer-choreographer, Nijinsky, for whom the piece was intended as a primary collaborator.
Although having presented the composition in its pianistic form to a veritable plethora of notable artistic and musical minds in the leadup to its orchestrally staged debut, Stravinsky is nonetheless purported to have had no indication whatsoever, nor reason to remotely conceive that the presentation of The Rite might provoke the scandal and outcry that ensued. Modris Eksteins provides a particularly colourful and somewhat exhaustive account of the circumstances of its premiere. In terms of historical data, reports from the premiere are conflicting, confused and wildly varying. Witnesses tell of catcalls, hissing, and a ‘battery’ of screams; of howling, whistling, spitting, slapping and punching. The police were called and at least forty of the offending protesters were forcibly evicted, this doing little to lull those remaining, who continued their commotion. By all accounts, the performance elicited no less than a “seismic response” which has retrospectively become a thing of legend.
The socio-cultural context of Paris at the time is of much import in setting the scene for such an upstanding brouhaha. Programmes being rehearsed and billed contemporary to The Rite’s premiere included Ravel’s Daphnis et Chloe and Debussy’s Jeux. The ballet audience was largely contingent on the lavish snobbery of both high society and the intelligentsia, comprising predominantly wealthy patrons with a desire for elegance and enchantment, and altogether typical of the common lightweight perceptions of French taste. Although exotica themes were very much in Parisian vogue, the passions and political motivations of Russia could hardly but remain distant in every respect. Enormous media hype surrounded The Rite’s premiere and in an effort to garner an underlying core of support, Diaghilev ensured a “generous distribution of free tickets” to his loyal supporters. The particularities of the newly unveiled layout of the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées held that this ring-in cheersquad, albeit a guaranteed endorsement, was situated in an area of the auditorium central to the masses, essentially circled by the opposing faction. Such provocative positioning of the Russians in itself was perhaps enough to instigate a brawl in the first place.
With such explosive jeering and cheering, it is of exceptional logistical importance that according to numerous accounts, Stravinsky’s music was completely drowned out by the audience reaction. With the 100-piece orchestra inaudible, dancers have been said to have relied exclusively on Nijinsky shouting counts from the prompt. Whether this pertained to the metric complexity of the composition or the pervading inability to hear it remains questionable but either way, it was certainly the case. The “abstract and absurd” quality of a company dancing their euphoric tribal sacrifice to a chorus of insults and abuse was perhaps a telling premonition of the Dada sentiment which succeeded the event several years later.
The lights in the auditorium were fully turned on but the noise continued and I remember Mlle. Piltz (the chosen maiden) executing her strange dance of religious hysteria on a stage dimmed by the blazing light in the auditorium, seemingly to the accompaniment of the disjointed ravings of a mob of angry men and women.
If in fact the orchestra was itself inaudible, it follows in point that the public outrage expressed so vehemently at The Rite’s première was not a response to the pitches, rhythms, structures and instrumental colourings of Stravinsky’s music, however bold his innovations, but to something else entirely. The inward turned feet and graceless jumping and pumping gestures of the dancers were certainly denounced as bad taste and grotesque caricature, with witnesses suggesting such blasphemy to the elevated art of ballet was received as a direct insult to the integrity of the cultivated audience. But while representing somewhat of an innovation in dance style, the propulsion for such outrage seems more deeply rooted in the commentary of stylistic change on the nature and sociological function of the arts, and the implications of this change in structuring socio-economic factions. As expressed so concisely by Ekstein,
Is there not sufficient evidence to suggest that the trouble was caused more by warring factions in the audience, by their expectations, their prejudices, their preconceptions about art, than by the work itself?
The Nature of Revolution
Thus it can be seen that Stravinsky’s Rite of Spring generated a series of revolutions at various levels. I have taken the term revolution to refer both to an upheaval of policy which breaks radically from the past, as well as to the cyclic implication of the word revolution, the continual and somewhat meditative return to a point, each time with new outlook.
In musical terms, The Rite brought a repudiation of the post-Romantic and Impressionistic ideals which permeated the Parisian scene. The typical French soundworld cut clearly by Debussy, Saint-Saëns, Ravel, Massenet, Fauré; but notably never adopted nor remotely assimilated by Stravinsky, was in this case so thoroughly replaced by the primacy of clustered chordal rhythms, uncharacteristic harmonic motivation, and intervallic asymmetry in melodic structures that the French government was effectively overthrown.
Despite much retrospective dispute to be discussed in due course, the programmatic genesis of The Rite was an imagined prehistoric ritual of a sacrificial virgin “dancing herself to death” to entice the gods of the seasons. It is implicit that although a fabricated mythology, the essence is of a tribal Russian character. Thus not only does the work posses a haunting, if not definitively terrifying spiritual presence of extraordinary power, but makes a simultaneous nationalistic statement in doing so which can simply not avoid political implication due to the aggression with which it is asserted. The combination of such pounding rhythmic impetus and the breadth of the chords with which this ruthless impetuosity so compulsively drummed sends out the message of its all-encompassing rule in an urgent, brutal S.O.S. The combination of relentless rhythm and hard-edged, dissonant chordal units has the tendency to give a sense of impulse associated with violence. Heavy and ultimately colouristic percussion, brass and winds were featured, these being associated with outdoor, warring instrumental forces.
However, as undoubtedly evidenced by ethnological studies, actions which may appear ferocious within a cultivated urban setting may hold completely different meaning within their own cultural context. That which we may observe as savage or defensive may in fact resonate with ecstasy and/or tribal belonging. A notable example of this is the distinct absence of clarity surrounding the nature of the virgin’s sacrifice; whether this pertains to a giving of her life or of her maidenhood. Either way, the surrender carries mixed emotions in its duality of horror with martyrdom, and equally for the Western listener, in its voyeuristic presentation. The mammoth scope and intensity of The Rite of Spring, dwarfing humanity and quashing everything in its path, is bigger than Paris, bigger than Christianity, bigger than social class structure, pearls and silks. The tribe is bigger than the individual. The Rite of Spring is bigger than artistic divertimento, The Rite of Spring is essentially bigger than the arts itself.
Musical Modernism
The Rite is widely considered to be the primary hallmark example of Modernism in music. It was praised and acclaimed primarily for its rhythmic innovation and asymmetry. The work is an informed but conscious reaction against the Germanic Romantic realism, French Impressionism and the generic urban industrialist mentalities which pervaded the compositional climate at the turn of the century. At the same time, through the recently discovered inclusion of abstracted folksong transcriptions, The Rite was a nod to Nationalistic tendencies, now on the rise with thanks to technological developments both in travel and the recording industry. This reactionary stance brought about by Modernism heralded the beginning of the current period of compositional production which encourages a multiplicity of styles for a multiplicity of audience tastes. Serialism and minimalism might coexist in the same cities; likewise Expressionism and Impressionism just across the border from each other.
The major musical innovation of The Rite of Spring was a new and absolute denial of expectation in terms of meter and harmony. At the most basic level, Stravinsky instigated a complete regeneration of the conventions of functional pitch and rhythm in Western music. The work’s critical condemnation by Taruskin as “anti-symphonic” is certainly true in Schenkerian terms, in that pitch polarities in the scalic sense were radically abandoned: the leading note no longer led, the supertonic, subdominant and submediant no longer sought the triad. The same pertained to beat hierarchies within the bar and even the dominance of the downbeat. Established polarities and gravities which had evolved in due course over the history of Western music were at once relegated to something of the past. Instead, this music relaxed into a new and ultimately organic creation of expectation, allowing the music to breathe in every respect, through pause and rest, pace and weight, singing its strange new laments at whim of a deeper soul rather than stickytaped haphazardly onto someone else’s framework.
This is not to say that the concept of polarities became obsolete. To the contrary, organic weight and depth became the natural new order. Gravity and innate direction was now established through a more abstract tool of arched melodic contouring, essentially through patterning and figuration; if not in the primary melodic voice, then in the accompanying section. Whether or not the base of these arch structures held pitch significance to a tonicized, home or bassline pedal became irrelevant, as the weight of the fall was enough in itself to establish a root. In the work’s ‘Introduction’ this is repeatedly evident: firstly in the clarinet section at Figure 1, bassoons after 3, flutes leading into Figure 7, etcetera. It is important to note that while harmonic motivations were annulled, homophonic motions continued to exist, primarily doing so in a polytonal setting: for example, intervallic relations at Figure 94 in ‘The Mysterious Circles of the Young Girls’, where the clarinets and later, first violin section, move languidly together at the 7th.
As for rhythm, The Rite is perhaps most widely acclaimed for its eradication of meter as a polar tool and the subsequent introduction of the use of time signatures purely for organizational purposes. Its constantly shifting meters to the point of seasickness have retained their power of obscurity even to the present day. It has been mentioned that the undisputed reign of the downbeat had already been questioned. In ‘Dance of the Adolescent Girls’, the accentuation patterns in the string opening at Figure 13 are as good as anti-metric. Although the famous bassoon solo exists in somewhat of a dreamscape beyond the scope of meter, the weight of the downbows at the start of the second movement function effectively as a transition which is equally free of metric form. Melodic phrases are grouped into threes and fives, the bass at Figure 28, for example, delineating a broad 6/8+6/8 within a context where others are playing superficially in the notated meter of 2/4, but not within any kind of phrase arrangement sympathetic to the 3-bar base cushion. It follows that such freedom opens the floodgates for polymeters, and equally, polytonalities to coexist in true equality. A notational innovation particular to Stravinsky is the beaming of groups of notes such as quavers as they sound metrically, rather than the way they would ordinarily fit into a given duple or compound metric frame. This notational peculiarity makes the polymeters easy to identify from a visual standpoint.
Structurally, much debate has ensued about the architecture of The Rite of Spring. The majority of critics of the period observed its construction as a series of independent dances in an almost Cubist-style pastiche. This reading supported the genesis of the work in the ballet tradition. The most vocal of these was Taruskin, who identified ‘static blocks’ progressing, if at all, through ‘repetition, alternation, and above all, sheer inertial accumulation… Each chord or motif was ‘so fixed that even transposition – let alone transformation or transition – were inconceivable’. Such ideology has been recently challenged by the favoured notion of organic evolution at a more cellular level, essentially posing the possibility of through-composition. It seems natural and essentially implicit that the The Rite, by nature of its seasonal programmatic ties, should undergo a process of careful growth, cocooning and rebirth over of its visceral half hour in the ear.
Revolutions of Appraisal
The Rite of Spring also enjoyed what one might consider a series of revolutions of appraisal. Following the calamity of its original balletic première, Stravinsky was quick to denounce the work’s tie to the stage so that it might exist independently in the concert hall in and of itself. It is no secret that he was disappointed in the product of Nijinsky and disenchanted with the production as a whole. Obviously there were also significant financial advantages to the work’s availability in concert version and this undoubtedly also played a role in its redefinition. Thus The Rite’s interdisciplinary conception was staunchly and quite strangely abandoned in favor of its musical construction insomuch as Stravinsky giving, over the course of his life, many dramatically differing accounts of factual events in an effort to disguise or distort the nature of its compositional origins. This somewhat mechanistic dissociation of the work towards an abstract, absolute and/or autonomous entity, whether or not it could possibly exist as such with its particular strength of character, was a telling precursor to Stravinsky’s Neoclassical mindset, a purging and reinvention of something heavy with baggage but which might then live on in its cleansed form. It is an inexplicable curiosity that in what van den Toorn describes as a “complete reversal of the riot” that had gone before, the 1914 première performance of The Rite on the concert platform was an absolute unequivocal success; so much so that Stravinsky himself was “hoisted to the shoulders of a few bystanders [and] led triumphantly from the hall of the Casino de Paris by an exuberant crowd of admirers”. A further revolution in the work’s appreciation took place in the late 1960s based on the rediscovery of sketches, source materials and other evidence. Apparently this revisionist revival was equally enjoyed by the composer himself, who appeared equally interested to revisit the work’s origins in what was casually designated a ‘revisionist revival’.
As an aside, it is a curious multiplicity to note that the French version of the work’s title, Le Sacre du Printemps, identifies directly the character of the chosen maiden, Le sacre being the sacrificed one in question. In translation to The Rite, the work takes on a more holistic quality of process, ceremony and celebration. While originally conceived as a staged piece, the work is universally acknowledged for its complete bonding with dramatic vision, its honesty and rawness, unique in comparison with Stravinsky’s other work which is often heavy with satire and irony. In transferral to the concert platform, the intensity of the drama is so strong as to be able to hold its own even without an interdisciplinary accompaniment. The Rite is an existing and ultimately monumental fatalistic presence which, more surely than ever, “needs no frame, no theatrical artifice”. This is a work which seems perhaps more aptly suited to the genre of ceremonial theatre than to the stage or even the platform.
Thus, the many revolutions, both instigated and undergone by Stravinsky’s Rite of Spring. The work’s historical evolution over the course of the 20th century as a pivotal compositional cornerstone has become modern-day folklore of its own, and of mammoth proportions; rousing freedom and preaching the ‘Great Sacrifice’ for the sake of seasonal rebirth and newness of thought in a constantly revolving artistic climate.

Spring Oscillation to Find the Spring Constant

Title: Using a spring oscillation to find the spring constant.
The aim of my report is to find the K (spring constant) by measuring the time of 10 complete oscillations with the range of mass of 0.05kg up to 0.3kg. It was been demonstrated by the lecturer and also the following instruction that I’ve been given.
This experiment will show and prove that with this method, we can calculate the spring constant by using the following formula,

In the meantime, we’ll be experience that we can get to find the spring constant, k, through this type method.
What is a spring constant?
Spring constant is a measure of stiffness or the ability to resist displacement under a load. It is denoted by K where;

The SI unit for the spring constant;
The spring constant tells u that it is the ratio of change of force with respect of deflection. So in other words, it is directly proportional to each other.
The spring constant can also be known as the force constant. It is a measure of the elasticity of the spring. In theory, the more its elastic value, the more the force you will need to act to extend the spring.
For example, a short spring has a higher spring constant than that of a long spring IF the other aspects or characteristics of it are the same or equal (thickness, material).
It will take you 10N to extend a short spring with 1cm.
To extend the long spring by the same amount, it would take less force, perhaps 5N for example.
Introduction on Hooke’s Law
Hooke’s law is the law of elasticity that was founded by the English scientist, Robert Hooke in the early 1660. It states that the extension or compression of a spring is directly proportional to the force exerted upon it.
Sometimes Hooke’s law is formulated asF=−kx where as in this expressionFis no longer the applied force but it was the equal and oppositely directed restoring force that causes elastic materials like springs to return to their original forms.
The law can also be expressed as the ratio of stress and strain. Stress is the force on unit areas within a material that develops as a result of the externally applied force while strain is the relative deformation produced by stress. For relatively small stresses, stress is proportional to strain. For particular expressions of Hooke’s law in this form, see bulk modulus; shear modulus; Young’s modulus.
Diagram of the apparatus used
Clear Description of the Method Used
As can be seen from the previous page, these are the description of the method by using the apparatus from the picture and as prepared by the lecturer.

At first, set up the apparatus which demonstrated by the lecturer.
Hang the first mass on the spring.
Allow the mass to oscillate up and down with a small amplitude and measure the time for ten complete oscillations.
Calculate the average from both of the time’s sets.
Find the time period T by dividing the average time by 10
Repeat all of the measuring of time by 5 more times with different masses which are from 0.05g.
Make a table regarding the results that you analysed.

Data Analysis Table

Mass, m (kg)

Time for ten Oscillations (s)

Time Period,
T (s)

Time Period,
T² (s)









































Graph of T² (y-axis) against m (x-axis)

Analysis & Discussion
The first thing that needed to do is get all the information of the data that I’ve collected from this experiment using the method and Hooke’s Law. Next step, all the result data were then arranged in a Microsoft Excel, which is to be completed by using the table.
With the results that I’ve got from the method to measure k (speed constant) and for every each of the value from the “Blue dots”, (from the graph) was accurate enough to its original value. Although, most of my values are in the range of 2 N/m, it is acceptable.
To find the gradient of the graph, firstly, we need two particular points which included 2 values from x-axis and 2 more values from y-axis.
The formula to find gradient is 
The equation of a line is 
For example, these values are from the graph:

 (0.06, 0.06)
 (0.29, 0.46)

SUBSTITUTE  = 1.74 (value of my gradient) (look at my graph)
Therefore it links with the equation of a line which is,

Like this,

Therefore the gradient is,

Thus, substitute the following gradient value with this to find k.
Value of k (speed constant)
Finding the value of k, from the equation,

The gradient that I found is 1.74N/m. Substitute it into the following gradient formula,

Total value of k = 22.7Nmˉ¹
Percentage Difference
(My total original value of spring constant divided by the value of spring constant)
Multiply by 100. × 100 = 60.3%
Accuracy and reliability
First thing that we should know is that the spring constant is depended on the displacement under a load. So by the result that I have calculated with the method and the formula given to find T² from the lecturer is not accurate as we would expected because of the formula that we should use is ” “.
The required unit for spring constant value is the acceleration of the free fall gravity and the displacement of the spring. Even though we can find the constant K by using the method from our lecturer, it will not be as accurate as the one with the formula ““, and with measuring time there’s a lot of miss accurate because of the possibility of human error.
We can also substitute into” “, however there is no value given for the length or displacement of the springs given, thus, giving us more uncertainties error.
Reasons for Uncertainties

Amplitude is different from each of the results causing it not to be precise.
The disability of finding the missing length of the spring which is not constructed by the lecturer is very important to find the spring constant.
Spring constant cannot be invented because as the number of how much weight or force that we need to apply to make the spring extended by 1 metre and based on the spring function.
Due to the human error, the reaction of calculating time of the stopwatch will never be accurate.
The measurement of an angle from working out the oscillation is inaccurate.

Improvement for Uncertainties

Firstly, we need the value of the spring length which will be easier to be calculated and comparing the percentage difference between the method that I’ve used and the one with this improvement.
If there is a modern technology that can be invented that can measure the length of the spring when they stretch and to determine the time of oscillation with the creation of lasers to determine the period for each oscillation.
Need an instrument that can hold the pendulum before and after the 10 complete oscillations so that every each of the oscillation within both period (time and time 2) will be measured accurately.
In my honest opinion, the more accurate method to find the spring constant is to measure the spring’s displacement rather than using time as the unit to find k, spring constant, so we can now substitute the one we got previously to the formula

Referencing Lists

Bray, A. Barbato, G. Levi, R. (1990). Theory and Practise of Force Measurement. San

Diego: Academic Press Limited. 52-53.

Keller, J.F. (1993). Physics Classical and Modern (2nd ed.). McGraw-hill Inc. 331-350.


Themes In ‘Spring, Summer, Fall, Winter and Spring’

Spring, Summer, Fall, Winter and Spring directed by Kim Ki-Duk is a beautiful film about a young Buddhist monk who progresses through the four seasons of life, from childhood to old age. Buddhism is a system of doctrine and practice largely based on the teachings of Gautama Siddhartha commonly known as the Buddha ‘enlightened’ or ‘awakened’. The four central teachings of the Buddha are known as the Four Noble Truths. According to the Buddha, the real nature of the life and universe is nothing other than suffering, the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering and the way leading to the cessation of suffering. The Four Noble Truths are the fundamental teachings that all Buddhists learn. In the film, three important principles of Buddhism: Samsara, Attachment and Impermanence are elucidated. Samsara is the eternal life cycle of birth, life, death and rebirth. Attachments are simple beliefs or delusions that becomes solidified as “truth” in our mind. Finally, Impermanence is the concept that everything changes and nothing stays the same. The film portrays the suffering of the world and the cause of our suffering is the “self”. This paper will analyze how the core principles of Buddhism; Samsara, Attachment, and Impermanence, provide an intricate balance between goodness, flaws and the nature of humans in the external world.

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Samsara is one of Buddhism’s fundamental principles that represents the cycle of birth, life, death and rebirth. There are several examples of this in the film. The changing seasons from spring, summer, fall, winter, and finally spring again represents the metaphor for how Buddhists view the life cycle of a person. Furthermore each season is represented by a different animal: A Dog in the spring, Rooster in the summer, Cat in the fall, and finally a snake in the winter. The snake is the Old Monk who committed suicide to liberate himself from worldly attachments and is reincarnated in a different form. Buddhists believe that Samsara is driven by karma, which is a basic Buddhist theory that stands for action, work or deed. Your actions in life will determine where and how you will be reincarnated. When the boy was young, he tortures a defenseless frog, a snake and a fish, and when he is older he himself suffers from loss of his loved one and internal conflict. In the real world, the actions of a person, whether good or bad, reflect the quality of his/her life. The cycle of Samsara is broken when one reaches Nirvana. Nirvana means “the extinction of clinging; the elimination of the atma-graha (holding to the concept of the self) and dharma-graha (holding to the concept that things are real); and the eradication of the obstacle of defilement and the obstacle of knowledge.” (Yun 1987, 50) One is freed from desire and therefore suffering. It illustrates the quiet state of mind that exists when the fire of attachment and desire are annihilated.
The Buddha’s teaching about attachment begins with the Four Noble Truths. The Truth of Suffering, the Truth of the Arising of Suffering, The Truth of the Cessation of Suffering and The Path leading to the Cessation of Suffering. Absent from the monastery, the young monk returns and is consumed with rage and jealously that forces him to commit murder. In the film the Master states “Lust awakens the desire to possess. And that awakens the intent to murder.” This is exactly what the young boy did when his worldly delusions led to possessives. The reason for suffering, desire, and lust is because the mind becomes attached to impermanent things and that blinds or alters reality. “Everything, and thingness itself, is inseparable from suffering in some form, and that the false, ingrained illusion of ‘I’-ness is the cause of the greater part of it.” (Humphreys 1969, 50) According to the Buddha, an individual’s ego and self is an illusion, meaning there is no such thing as the self, only a set of reactions. There isn’t a single soul that flows through our perception that isn’t changing. When the young boy fell in love with the girl, it awakens his yearnings and lust for sex; his actions established an attachment that ended with murder. We can state that he was unaware of the consequences and did not realize that he was running from one thing to next in pursuit of something that did not exist. As desire increases, our thinking tends to become impractical. We lose the sense of well-grounded reason that is so important to the spiritual path. When the young boy returns to the monastery he tries to kill himself for the wrong deeds that he committed by putting pieces of paper that says ‘shut.’ But in time the Old monk stops him and punishes him by making him carve the Buddhist sutras into the hermitage’s deck which brings piece to one’s heart. After completing the sutras, the boy is taken into custody and the Old Monk prepares a pyre funeral for himself. Here the killing of oneself is symbolized differently for each monk. The young boy uses the shutting force for inner maturity verses the old monk does it for liberation. In this scene, the concept of attachment plays after the boy completes the sutras and realizes that life is suffering and that everything that we get attached to is impermanent.
Impermanence also known as Anicca is central to Buddha’s teachings that “all things arise must change and decline, and they are but false appearances without any stable essence.” (Yun 2001, 27) In the film the animals and the water around the temple change every season, illustrating the growth and the progression of time. The concept of change and impermanence is important in and of itself. Although the things in the world may seem substantial, when analyzed in detail they are essentially evanescent, an illusion which cannot be grasped. All that we can hold on to is a false appearance that is fundamentally devoid of all absolute qualities. The relationship between the young monk and the girl who visited the monastery to treat her soul is an example of impermanence. The young monk flourishes from having no desire to the worldly delusions such of lust, passion and suffering. The concept of impermanence plays when the girl leaves him for another man demonstrating that the world is subject to constant change. As the Master stated “sometimes we have to let go of the things we like, what you like others will like as well.” The boundaries of the mind are similar to the Buddhist monastery doors as well as the doors on the “no walls” inside the temple. We can always be conscious of our thoughts and follow the right path or we can choose to follow our desires without regards for any rules. The boy does the latter, follows his heart when the girl invites him to sleep with her. Buddhists believe that the concept of impermanence goes hand in hand with the concept of emptiness. “Emptiness means that nothing has a permanent “self-nature” or essence.” (Yun 2001, 28) In other words, nothing in the world has any permanence, definite or absolute fundamental nature. For example, when we face the inherent emptiness of our problems, we are better equipped to see through them and not react with passionate or violent emotions.
This story of young boy’s progression to manhood was not without its obstacles but of resolution as well. He progresses from innocence to love, pain, redemption, and finally Nirvana, the ultimate goal of every Buddhist. Samsara represents the interconnectedness of actions in ones life towards people and nature and their faith after death. Everything that we desire and avoid in life is a form of attachment. It means that without particular person or thing, we cannot live or the obsession to get rid of something or someone that is in our lives. Finally the principles of Impermanence can simple mean reality. Everything that we do and feel is in constant change. A person may feel empty at one moment and overtime that feeling goes away and is replaced with different set of emotions. The teachings of Buddha although may be old but are still very relevant in todays world in which people are tempted on daily basis to pleasures of forbidden and incidences that questions ones morals. They teach love, self-control, obedience, and bring people together in a community setting with other followers. A person goes through many ups and downs in life but in every case finds a way to liberate his soul through mediation, prayer, and relationships.

Effect of the 2011 Arab Spring on Democracy & Terrorism

In the year 2011, the world was shocked by events that sparked a series of major uprisings throughout the Middle East, a region known for its instability, fiercely dictatorial governments, exotic imagery, violence, and oil.  The 2011 Arab spring was a start from a series of protests in countries of repressive and autocratic form of governments, which have been affected with great unemployment, rising living costs, low education and low human rights. The 2011 Arab Springs had extensive implications in the Middle East where countries went into a process of change. From peaceful protests, into violence and armed insurgency and full scale civil war and eventually the breakdown of civil society giving the rise of terrorist elements of the armed insurgency, who actively opposed the governments and who were prepared to use violence i.e. terrorist means. The countries which will discussed, in the context of the 2011 Arab spring, will include the following: Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Morocco. Some of the key features will include evidence of the process of democracy. Institutions established to bring about change. Evidence of change from protest and concessions made to the people. However there are also other arguments to consider relating to the 2011 Arab springs which include the foreign intervention during the 2011 Arab spring, the rise and support of terrorist activities in the 2011 Arab spring.
The 2011 Arab Spring began in Tunisia, also known as the Jasmine Revolution there was major civil unrest across the country with street by street battles and mass demonstrations taking place in Tunisia, ‘On January 14 a state of emergency was declared, and Tunisian state media reported that the government had been dissolved and that legislative elections would be held in the next six months. That announcement also failed to quell unrest, and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down as president’, leaving the country in January 2011. Turkey thereafter had free and democratic elections. They saw the victory of a coalition of the Islamist Ennahda Party with this was one example of a country where free and democratic elections meant a government elected from its people. Also all political prisoners were released and the ban on political parties lifted. 
In Tunisia even though its revolution was
considered a success it is notable that the country has the most fighters of
Isil and other various ‘rebel groups in Syria and Iraq taking part in terrorism
to uproot the government of the Syrian Arab Republic and the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya’ (THE SOUFAN GROUP, 2017).
In Syria protests calling for the resignation of President. Bashar al-Assad broke out in southern Syria in mid-March 2011 and spread through the country. The Assad regime responded with a brutal crackdown against protesters, drawing condemnation from international leaders and human rights groups. A leadership council for the Syrian opposition formed in Istanbul in August called the Free Syrian Army. However in Syria  the little hope for democracy and concessions made my President Basher Al-Assad has turned into a full scale Civil war leading to the deaths of more than half a million people in Syria with numerous proxy wars and more recently have led to the rise of the Salifi movement ISIS. At the beginning of 2012 two prominent Salafi armed groups emerged: ‘Jabhat al-Nusra and Kata’ib Ahrar al-Sham (the Freemen of Syria Battalions) both of which embraced the language of jihad and called for an Islamic state based on Salafi principles’ (International Crisis Group, 2012).

Libya from 1 September 1969 the ‘Libyan Revolutionary Command Council (RCC)
headed by Gaddafi abolished the monarchy and the old constitution and
proclaimed the new Libyan Arab Republic, with the motto: freedom, socialism,
and unity’ (Michigan State University, 1994 – 2016). The Leader Muammar Gaddafi
would rule Libya for 42 years. Under Gaddafi, law number seventy-one of 1972
banned all political parties and opposition groups. Dissent was punishable by
death, and in fact political opponents were assassinated both domestically and
had the highest Human Development Index, the lowest infant mortality and the
highest life expectancy in all of Africa. Even though, Libya was considered as
a “brutal dictatorship” by the west, it is clear that Libya was a prosperous
nation with free education and health care and laws that protect discrimination
and violence against woman as defined in the sources by the (Us Department of
State, 2017). Before the 2011 Arab spring al Qaeda and militant terrorism did
not exist in the country. Libya was a peaceful nation which did not threat to
use Weapons of Mass destruction nor other means to destabilise Europe by
terrorist means.
events in Libya turned from protests into a full scale civil war between the
National Transition council and loyal forces of the Libyan armed forces.
The Foreign intervention in the 2011 Arab Spring
Foreign intervention in the
2011 Arab spring was a pivotal moment during the Libyan Civil war. The United
Nation Security Council on the 11th March 2011 passed on a
resolution to implement a no fly zone. The resolution implemented by NATO was
to prevent the harming of civilians in Libya and to implement and democratic
resolution in Libya (United Nations Security council, 2011). However during the
Libyan Civil war there wasn’t any consideration of whom NATO was going to help
militarily.  The parliamentary Foreign
affairs committee stated in the recent report that ‘the possibility that
militant extremist groups would attempt to benefit from. The rebellion should
not have been the preserve of hindsight. Libyan connections with transnational
militant extremist groups were known before 2011, because many Libyans had
participated in the Iraq insurgency and in Afghanistan with al-Qaeda’. (The
Foreign Affairs Committee, 2016).
Movement towards Democracy

In Many opposition participants called for a return to the constitution and a transition to multi-party democracy most notably in Tunisia and Libya however with the use of violent means which the effect could count as the use of terrorism to the government in charge. As violence increased security forced ordered to shoot with impunity defected. The Arab uprisings were less a cry for democracy than a demand for better governance and improved economic performance. Few citizens across the region directly attributed to democracy itself the changes, good or bad, that the uprisings brought. By this measure at least, the uprisings and the events that followed did little to dampen the overall demand for democracy in the region as a whole. Citizens have continued to believe, as they did before the protests, that democracy is the best form of government and that the regimes in their countries have a long way to go to become fully democratic. Tunisia, the place where the Arab uprisings began and the site of the greatest progress toward democracy since then, represents an exception to this broader trend in public opinion. Since the Jasmine Revolution of 2011, Tunisians have grown increasingly concerned about the effects of democracy and have become less likely to say that this system is suitable for their country. Despite these trends, however, the vast majority of Tunisians continue to say that democracy, whatever its problems, is the best system of government for their country. As the Tunisian case suggests, Arab publics are responding mainly to developments at home rather than to wider regional factors. Thus Egyptians, unlike Tunisians, have been disinclined to hold democracy responsible for their country’s rocky political course, and instead have blamed the Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam. This decision about where to place blame in turn reflects factors specific to the political situation as it has unfolded in Egypt since dictator Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign in February 2011.
In Tunisia, there is clear
promise in the areas of freedom of association and freedom of expression, and
media freedom in particular. A fairly open field for the exercise of these
rights has emerged, in stark contrast to the deeply repressive environment for
news media and civic groups under the Ben Ali regime. Civil society and trade
unions since January 14, 2011, have operated with a degree of openness and
independence that was unimaginable before that date. In addition, spirited
political jockeying took place ahead of October’s constituent assembly
elections and the elections themselves proved to be open, competitive, and
pluralistic. But these gains do not mean that Tunisia has already cemented
institutional reforms in the media, civil society, or electoral politics.
Instead, they represent a promising early advance toward a culture of
transparency and pluralism that must be safeguarded with concrete legal and
regulatory changes. If citizens, political leaders, and other influential
figures make the right choices, they can fortify Tunisia’s nascent democracy
against the challenges it will inevitably face.
In Egypt, the months since
Mubarak’s ouster have revealed a much darker outlook for reform. As of the end
of October, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) had resorted to familiar
methods of repression, including severe curbs on the activities of civil
society and independent media, and foment of sectarian tensions for political
gain. The SCAF’s extension and expansion in September 2011 of the country’s
oppressive emergency law, a hallmark of the Mubarak era, sent a chilling signal
to those working toward democratic governance. The scope of the law—nominally
restricted in 2010 to narcotics and terrorism offenses—was widened to include
labor strikes, traffic disruptions, and the spread of false information.
Egypt could achieve almost
immediate progress by opening and defending the space for civil society and the
news media, while ensuring fair, open, and transparent elections in November
2011. But if these first-tier reforms in the areas of free expression and
association are not enacted and are prevented from growing roots, then the more
difficult overhauls of the judiciary, security services, and other state
institutions are far less likely to follow or succeed.
Tunisians favoured giving
religious leaders a say over government decisions in 2011, this percentage held
steady during the transition. In 2013, the share of Tunisians agreeing with
this statement was 24 percent, suggesting that support for political Islam may
even have gone up a bit. Meanwhile, trust in Ennahda, the main Islamist party,
also stayed fairly stable, dipping only five points to 35 percent. Taken
together, these results imply that the attitudes of Tunisians toward the
relationship between religion and politics and the country’s main Islam-based
movement changed little following the transition. Differences between the
Tunisian and Egyptian transitions likely explain the contrasting effects on
public opinion. In Tunisia, Ennahda won only a plurality of National
Constituent Assembly seats and formed a weak “troika” government with two
secular parties. Although feeble and unsteady, this arrangement fostered an
environment of democratic compromise and relative inclusiveness. Rather than
blame Ennahda or its ideology for transition-era travails, Tunisians updated
their beliefs about the costs and benefits of a democratic system. In Egypt,
Islamists won a commanding majority in parliamentary elections and narrowly won
the presidency. In November 2012, President Mohamed Morsi decreed that he would
be above the law pending the ratification of a new constitution. Soon
thereafter, the Islamist-dominated Constituent Assembly finalized a draft
constitution with no support from secular or minority voices. The Arab uprisings not only sparked major
transformations in some countries, such as Egypt and Tunisia, but also spurred
limited reforms in others, among them Algeria, Jordan, and Morocco. Despite all
these changes, however, publics across the region in 2013 tended to rate their
regimes as no more or less democratic than had been the case in 2011.
Tunisians, for example, had experienced free and fair elections but were still
no more likely to say that their regime was democratic (BBC, 2017). EU
announced its support for the democratic progress in Tunisia and Egypt, which
was followed by further unrest in several other Arab states, potentially
leading to radical changes of Middle East polity. An affirmative wording became
part of official EU documents, as it for instance could be seen when in 2011
the EU launched its renewed European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), stating that
the “EU needs to rise to the historical challenges in our neighborhood.” This
new version of the ENP was characterized by two significant elements. First of
all, the new policy allowed for an increased differentiation regarding the
links between each ENP-partner and the EU as to cater to the needs and
aspirations of the specific Mediterranean state. The principle of ‘more for
more’ was the second central pillar of the reformulated ENP, together with the
opposite, a principle of ‘less for less’. The latter signaled that the EU
intended to downgrade its relations with regimes, which violated human rights,
including making use of targeted sanctions.
The Algerian government
removed its incongruous 19-year state of emergency. Oman’s elected legislature
got the authority to pass laws. Sudan’s war criminal president promised not to
seek reselection. All the oil-rich states committed to wealth redistribution or
the extension of welfare services. But real-world politics is not just what
happens offline. A classically trained social scientist trying to explain the
Arab Spring would point to statistics on the youth bulge, declining economic
productivity, rising wealth concentration, high unemployment, and low quality
of life. These explanatory factors are often part of the story of social
change. It does not diminish their important causal contribution to the Arab
Spring to also say that digital media shaped events and outcomes: digital media
were singularly powerful in getting out protest messages, in driving the
coverage by mainstream broadcasters, in connecting frustrated citizens, and in
helping them realize that they shared grievances and could act together to do
something about their situation.
Evidence of NATO Support of Terrorism during the 2011 Arab Spring
There is significant evidence
to suggest that the Arab Spring in Libya, Syria and Tunisia were one of the
main reasons to the rise of terrorist activities thorough the Middle East with
criminal gang’s acquiring large scale military grade equipment from NATO and
who were benefiting from the large scale breakdown of law and order and also
the collapse of the criminal justice system. Some of the criminal and terrorist
activities included: “people trafficking, arbitrary detention, torture,
unlawful killing, indiscriminately attack, abduction, bombings and rape” (The
Foreign Affairs Committee, 2016).
‘The U.S. supported opposition which overthrew Libya’s Gadaffi was largely comprised of Al Qaeda terrorists’. (Brad Hoff, 2017).
According to a 2007 report by West Point’s Combating Terrorism Centre, ‘the Libyan city of Benghazi was one of Al Qaeda’s main headquarters and bases for sending Al Qaeda and fighters of the Salafi-Jihadist movement’ into Libya, Syria, Iraq and Yemen during and before the start of the 2011 Arab Spring who wanted to destabilise and overthrow the governments in those countries (The Combating Terrorism centre, 2017).

The Hindustan Times reported in March 2011: ‘There is no question that Al Qaeda’s Libyan franchise, Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, is a part of the opposition,’ Bruce Riedel, former CIA officer and a leading expert on terrorism, told Hindustan Times (Yashwant Raj, 2017). It has always been Gaddafi’s greatest enemy and its main stronghold is Benghazi. It is also reported that Al Qaeda flags were flown in the Benghazi courthouse once Gaddafi was toppled.
Gaddafi was on the verge of invading Benghazi in 2011, 4 years after the West
Point report cited Benghazi as a hotbed of Al Qaeda and Salafi terrorists.
Gaddafi claimed – rightly it turns out – that Benghazi was an Al Qaeda
stronghold and a main source of the Libyan rebellion.  But NATO planes stopped
him, and protected Benghazi. ‘The White House and senior Congressional
members,’ the group wrote in an interim report released Tuesday, ‘deliberately
and knowingly pursued a policy that provided material support to terrorist
organizations in order to topple a ruler Muammar Gaddafi who had
been working closely with the West actively to suppress al-Qaeda (BBC,
2017). “Some look at it as treason,” said Wayne Simmons, a former CIA officer who
participated in the commission’s research.
The Aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring
of 2017, it seems that only in its birthplace, Tunisia, has the Arab Spring
been successful in the establishment of something which vaguely resembles a
Western style democratic system. Egypt saw its first-ever
democratically-elected president, the pro-Islamist Mohammed Morsi, overthrown
in a military coup in 2013 led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. Libya has descended
into a civil war of its own, with four factions vying for supremacy: the
democratically elected Council of Deputies, Libya Dawn (an Islamist
organisation backed by Qatar, Sudan and Turkey), the Shura Council of Benghazi
Revolutionaries (again an Islamist organisation) and Islamic State. Syria
meanwhile presents a most complicated picture: Assad and the Free Syrian Army
are still fighting against one another; both are fighting against Islamic
State; an American-Arab League air force is bombing ISIS bases in eastern
Syria; and the Kurds are busy establishing an independent state in the north.
The Syrian civil war has become something of a proxy war, with behind the
scenes Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Iran all manoeuvring for advantage.
rise of Isis was in direct response to the funding and arming of rebel groups
such as the Free Syrian (BBC, 2017). American troops from Iraq in December
2011. In April 2013 Islamic State was created by a fusion of the Islamic State
of Iraq and the al-Qaeda affiliated Jabhat al-Nusra (although not all members
of Jabhat al-Nusra support this. The Arab Spring protests were partly caused by
the rise on food prices across the region: one of the first actions by Islamic
State in any new territory it takes control of is to lower the price of bread.
As is often the case, people will submit to any kind of regime if their
personal safety is assured.
speech and civil society and arrested those calling for political change.
According to some analysts, Al Qaeda has some regional interests, which include
the ousting of the Shiite-aligned Syrian President Bashar al-Assad while
supporting Islamists in the Middle East to attain power; or some of the goals
already achieved through recent Arab Spring uprisings, which have politically
destabilized the region already (Williams 2013). We are conscious of the
current turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa, while various components
of Al-Qaeda hope to be able to consolidate amid the lawlessness and power
vacuums that have emerged in some regions following successful revolutions and
in areas experiencing on-going conflict. Equally aware, however, of Al-Qaeda’s
increasing marginalization, the group’s media publications continue to strive
to present jihadism as the most appropriate way to protect collective
interests, eliminate adversaries, eradicate vice and establish a zealously
pious social order. (Holbrook 2012). However, the biggest problem has been how
the Arab Spring took a lot of pressure off Islamic radical groups and allowed
these fanatics to more easily recruit, raise money, and organize more violence.
The revived Islamic terror groups promptly began attacking their former allies
(the secular and democratic reformers) as well as Westerners. The leaders of
the Arab Spring movements were initially sympathetic to Islamic radical groups,
seeing them as fellow victims of the old dictatorship. Now most of the Arab
Spring leaders see the Islamic radicals as more interested in imposing another
 In 2011, the authorities carried out a major
campaign of repression in the wake of the Arab uprisings by censoring public
discussion of the movement for Arab democratization, prosecuting or arbitrarily
detaining scores of social-media commentators and human rights lawyers, and
strengthening the online censorship of domestic social-networking services.
However to the contrary violence continued unabated in 2011, with high-profile
political assassinations and high civilian casualty rates in Libya, Syria and
2011 drew to a close, officials in Egypt made headlines by conducting a series
of raids on NGOs that monitor human rights and promote democracy. Most of the
targeted organizations were Egyptian; a few were international groups (Freedom
House was one of the latter). The authorities were insistent that the raids,
which included the seizure of files and computers, were legal and technical in
nature. Government officials emphasized and reemphasized that they believed
human rights organizations had a role to play in a democratic Egypt. Their
actions indicated otherwise. In fact, the behaviour of the Egyptian
authorities, now and under Mubarak, reflects a deep-seated hostility to NGOs
that support democracy and human rights
were many heroes, many casualties, and many martyrs to freedom’s cause in 2011.
There were also many extraordinary achievements. Authoritarians who aspired to
rule in perpetuity were toppled in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, and autocratic
heads of state in Yemen and Syria however who would know what would replace the
authoritarian structures of law and order, society and education
Foreign countries especially the West
including Britain, USA and France were the first countries to take advantage of
the deteriorating situation in the Middle East whilst not condemning the
violence, used this as a pretext to intervene in Sovereign nations for the
benefit of them self and not for the ordinary civilians  (Greenwald, 2017). 
The USA had early discomfort with democracy
as a foreign policy during the 2011 Arab Spring. ‘Despite the unfortunate
characterization that it was leading from behind, America’s firmness in
assisting NATO’s Libyan campaign was an important step. After initial
hesitation, the administration has also cautiously supported the process of
building democratic systems in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya’. It is a strong
contradiction where the NATO bombings were a pretext of getting rid of Muammar
Gaddafi and there was no plan on how the establish democracy after arming
terrorist groups according to the (Atlantic, 2017).
conclusion it is clear that the 2011 Arab Spring was a factor that caused the
rise of terrorist activities throughout the Middle East and the wider region.
Evidence of large scale protests harboured terrorist organisation such as
Al-Qeada who wanted to see revolutions take place throughout the Middle East
and the cause of the rise of ISIS who have pledged to reign terror around the
world. However other factors are responsible such as the British and US arming
rebel groups in Syria and Libya. NATO bombing campaigns in Libya. Democracies
were successful in Tunisia and Egypt, also in Libya but it is very difficult to
comprehend whether living conditions and freedoms have improved since the 2011
Arab Spring.
The 2011 Arab the rise of Democracy or Terrorism?
(The Combating Terrorism centre, 2017)

Aaron Schips. (2011). NATO
announces withdrawal of all troops from Libya. Retrieved December 27, 2016,
Atlantic, T. (2017, January 10).
Retrieved from The Atlantic: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/04/obamas-worst-mistake-libya/478461/
BBC. (2017, 01 12). Arming Syrian
rebels: Where the US went wrong. Retrieved from
BBC. (2017, January 22). Viewpoint:
Why Arab Spring has not delivered real democracy. Retrieved from
Brad Hoff. (2017, 01 15). Retrieved
from foreignpolicyjournal,:

Hillary Emails Reveal True Motive for Libya Intervention

Freedom House. (2017, 01 08). FREEDOM
IN THE WORLD 2012. Retrieved from
Greenwald, G. (2017, 01 11). The
Intercept. Retrieved from

The U.S. Intervention in Libya Was Such a Smashing Success That a Sequel Is Coming

International Criminal Court. (2016,
January 1). Case Sheet Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi,. Retrieved from
Michigan State University. (1994 –
2016). Global Edge. Retrieved December 27, 2016, from
The Combating Terrorism centre.
(2017, January 14). Al‐Qa’ida’s Foreign Fighters in Iraq: A First Look at
the Sinjar Records,. Retrieved from University of Oregen,:
The Foreign Affairs Committee.
(2016). HC 119 Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK’s
future policy options. Retrieved december 27, 2016, from
THE SOUFAN GROUP. (2017, January 2).
FOREIGN FIGHTERS An Updated Assessment of the Flow of,. Retrieved from
United Nations. (2017, January 20). UN
Human Rights council,. Retrieved from
United Nations Security council.
(2011). Resolution 1970 (2011). Retrieved December 27, 2016, from
Us Department of State. (2017,
January 3). Libya,. Retrieved from State Gov,:
Williams. (2017, January 22).
Retrieved from https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/Herman-Gendered-Restrooms-and-Minority-Stress-June-2013.pdf
Yashwant Raj. (2017, January 14). The
Hindustan Times,. Retrieved from
Key words and definition:
Democracy: a system of
government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state,
typically through elected representatives.
Terrorism: the unofficial or
unauthorized use of violence and intimidation in the pursuit of political aims.
ISIS: Islamic State of Iraq
and al-Sham

Arab Spring and US Travel Ban

Orientalism: The Arab Spring and
U.S. Travel Ban
Donald Trump has continuously urged Arab and Islamic leaders to unite and
contribute their share in the name of defeating Islamist extremists. He has
made an impassioned plea about undermining terrorists all the while toning down
his own harsh rhetoric about Muslims. This would indicate that the West, led by
Trump is engaged with developing a people’s uprising throughout the Arab world
that can be commonly referred to as an “Arab Spring”. The countries most
involved in an Arab Spring would be Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen. The West, led by
Trump, has recently singled out Iran as a primary source of providing financing
and support for militant groups. His words have resonated with the views of his
Western backers and have delivered the unmistakable message to Middle East
extremists: We want you out of influence. The president has not used the term
“radical Islamic terrorism” in his exhortations, a signal that he has
finally taken advice to use a more moderate tone in the region after using that
unfortunate phrase often as a tool by which to galvanize the fledgling Arab
Spring. But yet the US president displays a penchant for Orientalism in his
thinking and that is evident in his attempt to whittle down very complex
problems into convenient sound-bites. It is true that terrorism has spread all
across the world. But the path to peace begins with the Arab Spring, a term
given to the “wave of
citizen revolts that are toppling, challenging or reforming regimes” (Khouri,
2011). Trump’s approach though contains elements that cannot be
differentiated from that of classic approaches concerning Orientalism. The
leader of the free world has told leaders from numerous Muslim-majority
countries representing more than a billion people that their future is in their
own hands. Trump declares: “A better future is only possible if your
nations drive out the terrorists and drive out the extremists. Drive them out!
Drive them out of your places of worship, drive them out of your communities,
drive them out of your holy land and drive them out of this earth”
(Holland, 2017). The president’s actions and words concerning Middle East
policy provided an opportunity to show his strength and resolve, and also
demonstrate an unwitting incorporation of the tenets of Orientalism into his
rhetoric. Orientalism can be defined as “a political vision of reality whose
structure promoted the difference between the familiar (Europe, the West, us)
and the strange (the Orient, the East, them)” (Said, 1979). In contrast to the
vested interest that the Western world has in propagating the Arab Spring,
Trump’s domestic policies include the ongoing travel ban on predominantly
Muslim countries.

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The conflict
between East and West is often simply portrayed as one between good and evil.
That observations smacks of Orientalism in its most basic form. This is
ideological conflict that exists, not conflict between civilizations. The
desire to propagate the Arab Spring is clear in the rhetoric delivered in a
forceful tone that Washington will partner with the Middle East but expected
more action in return. But there is still much work to be done in the sphere of
East/West relations. That means honestly confronting the crisis of Islamic
extremism, and the Islamists, and Islamic terror of all kinds. The terror faced
by many Muslims is definitely tangible and an affront to the notion of basic
human rights. But Orientalism fans the flames of conflict. Islamist extremism
is often responsible for this aspect of Middle Eastern instability. The term
“Islamist extremism” refers to Islamism as a political movement rather
than Islam as a religion, a distinction that the Western world sometimes
seriously overlooks in its attempts to explain the frequent strife that makes
the region so controversial.
The connection that Canada has with this ongoing issue constantly promoted by US President Trump aligns with oil prices and immigration. The fear of terrorism is something that Trump leans on to promote his security-obsessed right-wing ideology and political stance. It is largely responsible for his travel ban on Muslim countries. The fallout from this ban is painfully apparent in the human cost. Families are torn apart as they wait for clearance at major U.S. airports. This too becomes an illustration of the basic ignorance at the core of all forms of Orientalism. This has not gone unnoticed by many American citizens. They express their outrage and frustration with the US leadership by staging acts where they “stormed airports to protest Trump’s travel ban” (Ball, 2018).  Such actions have also tied as diversion from other issues plaguing the White House. Interestingly, these acts highlight the differences between the US and Canada in terms of attitudes towards religion. Whereas Canada interprets religious beliefs as mainly outlets for faith and prayer rituals, Americans understand religious identity as potentially holding a degree of violence or terrorism. The result of that belief is that millions of integrated American citizens who innocently hold Islamic beliefs merely as religious comfort are misidentified as terrorists by the Trump administration. This affects daily life for those who complete such everyday activities as using public transit; they are often in a heightened state of fear due to the overwhelming negativity that surrounds the reporting of terrorism-themed news and events. This is a direct consequence of the Orientalist approach to understanding the world.
of the faults of Orientalism is that it is an attempt at reducing what are
often military campaigns and their relationships to desired democracy to a
simple mathematical formula. Nations that undergo a military intervention are
believed to be some 15% more likely to make democratic political systems a
priority. And that is the type of linear thought that Orientalism seeks to
incorporate. “That Orientalism makes sense at all depends more on the West than
the Orient, and this sense is directly indebted to various Western techniques
of representation that make the Orient, clear, visible, “there” in discourse
about it” (Said, 1979). Therefore, we rely on our own Western-developed
perceptions about what the Middle East is and isn’t. This is inherently
dangerous though. Anger towards Western political ideologies run rampant
throughout the Arab world. Up until relatively recently, suicide bombers were
the norm and not the exception within many Muslim countries where the populace
had grown tired of their leaders’ constant capitulation towards Western
It is
expressed that demonstrating the banner of support can be an unobtrusive
technique for presenting or showing an enthusiasm for national issues taken up
by outside influences. Yet definitely those at first encouraged by its
appearance will wind up frustrated with an implied helping hand that yields no
tangible outcomes. In such confused circumstances, it might inversely affect
the individuals who eagerly welcome the ramifications of direct outside
influence or mediation. It would be a tremendous break in confidence to leave
the individuals who cheered a normal show of bolstered support in such a harsh
glare. This can be considered as another reason to get Orientalism out of the
minds of Western interference in the Middle Eastern ideologies. The so-called
Arab Spring will do fine under its own steam and could probably benefit from an
absence of US-led cheerleading. Slowly but surely, the Middle east is adopting
the tenets of Western-style democracy. No longer is it true that “Islam is
inherently antithetical to American democracy, and Muslims presumptively
subversive and suspicious” (Beydoun, 2017).
Finally, it
is startling to note just how complacent the North American public has become
in its treatment of Trump’s Muslim country travel ban. The travel ban imposed
on non-U.S. citizens was a shock to the system of these airports, where many
tired, hungry, and stymied people where essentially left with no recourse
whatsoever about being able to plan their own travel itineraries. The slight
differences that exist in personal approaches to implementing such rules are
often not in existence in US politics where the concept of shocking and awing
seems to be coming more and more commonplace. A few scant years ago, at JFK
airport in NYC for example, the “Islamophobia rising to the fore during the
2016 presidential campaign was not created by the candidates; rather, it was
embedded in established American law, policies, and political rhetoric”
(Beydoun, 2017). It is somewhat likely that President Trump may have requested
that Canada obey the travel ban but here in Canada it is pleasant to believe
that such short-sighted Orientalism does not pervade political and legal
thought when it comes to law and policy.
In conclusion,
it can be observed how Orientalism infiltrates Western thought and leaves us
with the erroneous sense that the rest of the world needs some kind of
leadership and correction that only we in the West can provide. The twin
examples of the Arab Spring and the Muslim travel ban provide examples that
illustrate the dangers of including Orientalist tendencies into our collective
political and legal consciousness.  The
topics are lightning rods for controversy and the basic ignorance that becomes
inserted to them through Orientalism is the reason for this. Orientalism, it
can be concluded, leads to a fundamental sense of Islamophobia. This unfortunate
premise can be defined as “the presumption that Islam is inherently violent,
alien, and unassimilable . . . and the belief that expressions of Muslim
identity are correlative with a propensity for terrorism’’ (Beydoun, 2017). It
must be said that such fear should not be allowed to permeate political thought
in the world as it stands in 2018.
Ball, M. (2018). Redder. Bluer. Trumpier. America Is About to Be Even More Divided. Time. Retrieved November 2018 from http://time.com/5448815/midterms-2018/Beydoun, K. (2017).‘‘MUSLIM BANS’’ AND THE (RE)MAKING OF POLITICAL ISLAMOPHOBIA. Holland, S. (2017). Trump tells Middle East to ‘drive out’ Islamist extremists. Reuters. Retrieved November 2018 from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-trump-saudi-idUSKCN18H00UKhouri, R. (2011). Arab Spring or Revolution. The Globe and Mail.Said, E. (1979). Orientalism.

The Impact of Social Media During the Arab Spring

1. Introduction
The Arab Spring is a revolutionary movement in North Africa and the Middle East, which began in December 2010 with the Tunisian Revolution – before spreading to other Arab countries, such as Egypt, Syria, and Libya, amongst others. While the Arab Spring was not predicted by political commentators and the media, in retrospect, there are a number of reasons with regard to why it occurred, such as longstanding oppressive regimes and difficult economic conditions. However, despite all of this, the catalyst for the Arab Spring came from a twenty-something fruit vendor in Tunisia who, frustrated and angry about the treatment he was receiving from local officials, set himself on fire in protest – and subsequently died (Haas & Lesch, 2013). In years gone by, such an event might have been largely covered up by an autocratic regime that was able to control the mass media – but nowadays, in the age of the Internet and social media, such a task is more difficult. Indeed, Adi (2014) has suggested that the use of social media platforms (such as Facebook and Twitter) did play an integral part in the Arab Spring uprisings – but reiterates that social media was used as a tool to gather increasing support for the cause, rather than being the catalyst in itself. Therefore, this paper shall discuss the impact of social media during the Arab Spring, and try to ascertain the extent to which it facilitated the growth of the movement.
2. Social Media and the Arab Spring
To begin with, Howard & Hussain (2013)state that:
“Social protests in the Arab world have spread across North Africa and the Middle East, largely because digital media allowed communities to realize that they shared grievances and because they nurtured transportable strategies for mobilizing against directors” (p. 3).
Moreover, Howard & Hussain (2013)go on to unequivocally state that the Internet, mobiles phones, and social networking have transformed politics in North Africa and the Middle East. Indeed, in light of the Arab Spring movement that began in late 2010, it would be difficult to argue against such a notion. Furthermore, Bebawi & Bossio (2014) also point out that the mass media has labelled the Arab Spring as a ‘social media revolution’, with citizen journalism and social media reporting helping to sustain the wave of protests in North Africa and the Middle East from 2010. Thus, there are two ways in which social media has been used during the Arab Spring, these being: (1) by helping to coordinate protests on a mass scale, and (2) by reporting on the events without any media bias. This then, is something that was also used to great effect during the 2011 riots in England, when social media was used to coordinate riots in various English cities (Briggs, 2011) – and it is perhaps no coincidence that these riots coincided with the Arab Spring movement and the successful use of social media in North Africa and the Middle East at that time. However, in oppressive regimes in North Africa and the Middle East, unlike in the UK, such technologies are a revelation in communication – as these are countries that have traditionally had their media manipulated by despotic rulers and regimes, and have been subjected to extreme censorship and manipulation.

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Gismondi (2014) notes that a study in Washington found that social media helped to shape and lead the debate with regard to the politics of the Arab Spring, and that young and educated people tended to lead this discourse, with women also being highly involved with social media participation (and the riots and protests themselves). For example, Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali discovered the power of social media when revolutionaries posted a video of him and his wife using a government-funded jet to travel to Europe on lavish shopping trips – something that angered locals, who were struggling with economic conditions; and ultimately contributed to his downfall. Moreover, the Washington study cited by Gismondi (2014) also found that social media was instrumental in sharing democratic ideas internationally, and this no doubt also helped to fuel the Arab Spring, and to make people in the region dream of living in a free and democratic society.
In addition, Khondker (2011) also notes that social media played a vital role in the Arab Spring in the absence of an open media and civil society. Indeed, in Syria, for example, the regime there is notorious for controlling the mass media – and remains a very dangerous place for journalists to ply their trade; with there being very few press freedoms, and with Internet activity also being monitored by the government, and being highly censored. However, it is very difficult to monitor and control all Internet activity, and in this respect, social media likely played a vital role in the uprisings there too. Therefore, as a result of the threat that social media now poses to autocratic regimes, places such as the United Arab Emirates now have laws in place that have the power to punish people if they discuss or post photos of other people (which of course includes politicians or people in positions of power), which is causing some concern amongst human rights groups (Tovey, 2015).
Thus, while food shortages as a result of the 2008 global economic crisis, global warming, and poverty may all have been factors that led to the mass uprising in the region, it could be said that it was social media that help to sustain this discontent, and this is something that autocratic leaders are now well aware of – and as in the UAE, are attempting to mitigate through laws that prohibit people from disseminating information about other people without their consent. However, ironically, it is such violations of human rights and individual liberties that are perhaps causing discontent in the first place – and the flexing of such political muscles might only serve to further distance the people from the regime that they are being oppressed by. Indeed, Beaumont (2011) has noted that due to the volume of people now using the Internet and social media in North Africa and the Middle East, that blocking such activity might actually cause more problems, and even more discontent. Moreover, it is also highlighted how social media was crucial in covering the initial news of the man who set himself on fire in Tunisia (which could be seen as the catalyst for the whole Arab Spring movement), as a similar event had taken place three month before, but nobody really knew about it because it had not been filmed and posted on social media. As a result of this, in Egypt, the government even went as far as pulling the plug on Internet services and 3G networks so that the public could not organise protests and riots. However, this was responded to with the analogue equivalent of Twitter: via handheld signs that were held aloft at demonstrations, which contained information about the next protest (Beaumont, 2011).
Perhaps then, the power of social media comes from its unedited and uncensored format, which allows people to get closer to the truth than traditional media in the region has allowed. Moreover, it is also a tool that allows people to organise, to quickly gather support for a cause, to disseminate information, and to galvanise people into action before momentum is lost. In addition, Wolfsfel, Segev & Sheafer (2013) note that the role of social media in collective action cannot be understood without first examining the political environment in which it operates, and that a significant increase in the use of new media is much more likely to follow a significant amount of protest activity than to precede it – and this was also the case in the Arab Spring. Nevertheless, while some might play down the role of social media in the Arab Spring uprisings, others – such as Eltantawy & Wiest (2011) – suggest that more research is needed in order to ascertain the true extent to which social media influenced the direction of the Arab Spring movement.
In hindsight, it seems axiomatic that social media had a big part to play in the Arab Spring uprisings, and helped to maintain the momentum of the movement by continually updating the public with news of oppression and violations of human rights – that would, under past regimes, have been covered up. However, it seems that it would be a mistake to suggest that social media caused the uprisings, as the protests continued in Egypt – as mentioned – even after the government pulled the plug on Internet services and 3G connections. Social media then, is merely a tool for disseminating information in a quick and efficient manner – in much the same way as leaflets and written manifestos have been in the past (although this is obviously a much slower process). Moreover, the multimedia nature of social media also allows people to instantly post photographs or videos, which can potentially be seen by millions of people – which is an unprecedented innovation; and one that could have a big effect on world politics for many years to come. Nevertheless, while the use of social media led to many successful campaigns and the overthrowing of dictators in some countries (such as Tunisia), elsewhere, civil wars are still raging; as in Syria.
Kassim (2012) states that: “In Arab countries, many activists who played crucial roles in the Arab Spring used social networking as a key tool in expressing their thoughts concerning unjust acts committed by the government” (n.p.). This then, is something that seems to be fairly clear in a subjective sense. However, this sentiment is also backed up with empirical data, such as the study done by Howard, Duffy, Freelon, Hussain, Mari & Mazaid (2011), which analysed over three million tweets, gigabytes of You Tube content, and thousands of blog posts, to find that social media played a central role in shaping political debates in the Arab Spring. Thus, they note that: “Conversations about revolution often preceded major events on the ground, and social media carried inspiring stories of protest across international borders” (Howard, Duffy, Freelon, Hussain, Mari & Mazaid, 2011, n.p.). Indeed, this is a study that is also commented on by O’Donnell (2011), who notes that in the week before Egyptian president Hosni Mubaraks resigned, tweets from Egypt – and around the world – that talk about political change in Egypt proliferated from around 2,300 per day, to around 230,000 per day. Thus: “Online activists created a virtual ecology of civil society, debating contentious issues that could not be discussed in public” (O’Donnell, 2011, n.p.). As such, in the absence of a civil society and an elected government in places in the Middle East and North Africa, a virtual and comparable environment was created in cyberspace where political discourses could be relatively safely held. 
3. Conclusions
While this relatively brief discourse has shown that social media had a major role to play in the Arab Spring uprisings, it has also demonstrated that there is still a lack of consensus on the extent of its impact. Thus, while Wolfsfel, Segev & Sheafer (2013) suggest that social media discussions tended to increase in volume after a major revolutionary event during the Arab Spring, Howard, Duffy, Freelon, Hussain, Mari & Mazai (2011) suggests the opposite: that social media content increased before a major revolutionary event during the Arab Spring. Nevertheless, what can be said without any doubt is that social media was used during the Arab Spring to great effect, and that it had some degree of influence on its outcome. Indeed, without people posting images and videos of events in the Arab Spring, and commenting on what they saw, then the revolution may have never gained the momentum that it needed to topple the long-standing regimes that activists opposed. However, with laws being formulated – in places such as the UAE – that curb social media use by making it illegal to comment on and post photos and videos of people without their consent; autocratic leaders are now clearly afraid of the power of social media and the impact that it can have.
[2,011 words]
Adi, M. (2014) The Usage of Social Media in the Arab Spring, Berlin: Lit Verlag.
Beaumont, P. (2011) ‘The truth about Twitter, Facebook and the uprisings in the Arab world’, The Guardian [online], http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/feb/25/twitter-facebook-uprisings-arab-libya, Date accessed 16/10/2015.
Bebawi, S. & Bossio, D. (2014) Social Media and the Politics of Reportage: The ‘Arab Spring’, London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Briggs, D. (2011) The English Riots of 2011: A Summer of Discontent, UK: Waterside Press.
Eltantawy, N. & Wiest, J. B. (2011) ‘The Arab Spring Social Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Reconsidering Resource Mobilization Theory’,International Journal of Communication,Vol. 5, No.18, pp. 1207-1224.
Gismondi, A. (2014) ‘Occupy Wall Street: Social Media, Education, and the Occupy Movement’. In: Vladlena, B. (Ed.) Cutting-Edge Technologies and Social Media Use in Higher Education, Hershey: Information Science Reference (pp. 156-173).
Haas, M.L. & Lesch, D.W. (2013) The Arab Spring: Change and Resistance in the Middle East, USA: Westview Press.
Howard, P.N., Duffy, A., Freelon, D., Hussain, M., Mari, W. & Mazaid, M. (2011) ‘Opening Closed Regimes: What Was the Role of Social Media During the Arab Spring?’ ICTlogy, http://pitpi.org/index.php/2011/09/11/opening-closed-regimes-what-was-the-role-of-social-media-during-the-arab-spring/, Date accessed 16/10/2015.
Howard, P.N. & Hussain, M.M. (2013)Democracy’s Fourth Wave? Digital Media and the Arab Spring,USA: Oxford University Press.
Kassim, S. (2012) ‘Twitter Revolution: How the Arab Spring Was Helped By Social Media’, Policy Mic [online], http://mic.com/articles/10642/twitter-revolution-how-the-arab-spring-was-helped-by-social-media, Date accessed 16/10/2015.
Khondker, H.H. (2011) ‘Special Forum on the Arab Revolutions
Role of the New Media in the Arab Spring’, Globalizations, Vol. 8, No. 5, pp. 675-679.
O’Donnell, C. (2011) ‘New study quantifies use of social media in Arab Spring’, UW Today [online], http://www.washington.edu/news/2011/09/12/new-study-quantifies-use-of-social-media-in-arab-spring, Date accessed 16/10/2015.
Tovey, J. (2015) ‘United Arab Emirates is a “dangerous place” to use social media, human rights groups warn’, The Sydney Morning Herald, http://www.smh.com.au/world/united-arab-emirates-is-a-dangerous-place-to-use-social-media-human-rights-groups-warn-20150713-gibjbv.html, Date accessed 16/10/2015.
Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E. & Sheafer, T. (2013) ‘Social Media and the Arab Spring Politics Comes First’, The International Journal of Press/Politics, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 115-137.

Investigation of the Relationship Between Spring Mass and Oscillation Time Using Hooke’s Law

This experiment is aimed to investigate the relationship between the mass that is being slotted at the end of spring and the time taken for the spring to make a 20 complete oscillations.
As the mass of the end of the spring increases, the time period for the spring to complete 20 oscillation will also increase. This is because in newton’s second law which is F = ma, if the acceleration is being derived with the presence of time in its formula, it will be F = m(v-u)/t. Which proves that, mass is directly proportional to time. As the mass increases, the time will also increase.
Independent variable: Mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring (kg)
Dependent variable: Time period taken by the spring to make 20 complete oscillations (s)
Controlled variable:

Spring constant
Gravitational acceleration
Length of spring
Amount of spring oscillations
Air resistance
Amplitude of oscillations

Controlling the variables
Mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring:
The mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring is manipulated from 0.1kg, 0.2kg, 0.3kg, 0.4kg and 0.5kg.
Time period taken by the spring to make 20 complete oscillations:
With the aid of digital stopwatch, the time period is taken when the spring had completed in making 20 oscillations. This procedure is repeated 3 times and an average reading is taken.
Spring constant:
The spring constant is kept constant so that the results are relative to each other. It will be controlled by using the same spring throughout the whole experiment.
Gravitational acceleration:
The gravitational acceleration is kept constant by conducting the experiment in the same place until the end.
Amount of spring oscillations:
The amount of oscillations is controlled to 20 so that the results are more accurate. The exact results will be divided by 20 afterwards.
Air resistance:
Due to the place that the experiment is being conducted in a room, the fan and the air conditioner are switched off to reduce the air resistance. The experiment is conducted in the same place until the end to fix the air resistance.
Amplitude of oscillations:
The amplitude will be controlled each time the mass is increased by using the same length in extending the spring to make is oscillate. For each trial, the spring is extended 5cm downwards. This procedure will be aided by a meter ruler.
Materials list

Retort stand
Clamp and stand
Meter ruler
Mass holder
Slotted mass
Digital stopwatch



Set up the apparatus as shown in the diagram, with one end of the spring attached to the horizontal support on the clamp stand.
Attach the slotted mass of 0.1kg at the end of the spring.
Put the meter ruler next to spring and measure the extension.
Pull the slotted mass holder down to 5cm and then release it.
Let it oscillates for 20 times. Take the time taken for the spring to oscillate completely for 20 times using digital stopwatch.
Repeat step 4 to 6 two more times.
Record the data each time and take an average reading.
Repeat step 2 to 7 by using different slotted mass, from 0.2kg, 0.3kg, 0.4kg, and 0.5kg.


Mass that is being slotted (M) / kg (±0.01kg)

Time taken for 20 oscillations / s (±0.01s)

Average time taken for 20 oscillations / s (±0.01s)

Time taken for one oscillation (T) / s (±0.01s)

First try

Second try

Third try
































Data presentation
A graph to show the relationship between the mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring, M, and the time taken for one oscillation, T.

Data analysis
The relationship between mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring and the time taken for spring to oscillate one cycle appears to be non-linear. The data therefore will be processed in order to find a relationship between this two variables either it is directly proportional or not. The graph is parabolic. Hence the T can be manipulated to become T2 so that the graph can be plotted with a variable of mass against T2.
Data processing
Table 2 – Mass that is being slotted at the end of spring, M, and squared of time taken for one oscillation, T2

Mass being slotted (M) / kg (±0.01kg)

Time taken for one oscillation (T) / s (±0.01s)

Time taken for one oscillation squared (T2) / s (±0.02s)


0.22 ± 4.5%

0.04 ± 0.36 x 10-2


0.31 ± 3.2%

0.10 ± 0.64 x 10-2


0.43 ± 2.3%

0.18 ± 0.83 x 10-2


0.51 ± 2.0%

0.26 ± 1.04 x 10-2


0.57 ± 1.8%

0.32 ± 1.15 x 10-2

Presentation and analysis of the processed data
A graph shows the relationship between the mass that is being slotted at the end of the spring, M, and the squared of time taken for one oscillation,T2.

Analysis of the graph
Gradient of best fit line = 0.50/0.32 = 1.56 kgs-2
Gradient of steepest line = 0.50/0.30 = 1.67 kgs-2
Gradient of shallowest line = 0.42/0.34 = 1.24 kgs-2
For the second graph, it was proved that mass that is being slotted at the end of spring is direclty proportional to the squared of time period.
Mathematically, m α T2
After the investigation and the experiment that had been done, it was found that the formula relating the mass that is being slotted at the end of spring and time period of an oscillating spring is :
We know that ; T = 2π/Æœ
Where Ɯ = k(constant) in this investigation.
T = 2π
T2 =
Which is of the form,
y = mx + c (equation of straight line)
From the investigation, y is m, m is 4π2/k and x is T2.
The gradient of the line is therefore equal to 4π2/k , we can now find the spring constant:
Therefore, k on the best fit line ;
1.56 = 1/
= 1/1.56
k = 61.59 Nm-1
The range of uncertainty in this value can be calculated using both the maximum and the minimum lines on the graph.
Maximum gradient ;
1.67 = 1/
= 1/1.67
k = 65.93 Nm-1
Minimum gradient ;
1.24 = 1/
= 1/1.24
k = 48.96 Nm-1
Therefore the spring constant, k is in the range of 48.96 Nm-1 to 65.59 Nm-1.
The aim of this experiment is to investigate the relationship between the mass that is being slotted at the end of spring and time period of oscillation. As the hypothesis being made earlier that mass would be directly proportional to time period of oscillation, it is clearly was wrong as the graph of mass against time period is obviously non-linear. The second graph of mass against squared of time period is however turned out to be linear and therefore it can be concluded that mass is directly proportional to the squared of time period.
After the investigation, this conclusion is supported as the equation for time period of an oscillating spring is
T = 2π
T2 =
So, T2 α m
The gradient of straight line was then used to calculate the spring constant, k, for the spring used in this experiment. This is because the gradient is equal to 1/
The value can be compared to the theoretical value by using Hooke’s so as to verify the result whether it is plausible or not. When the spring is acted a force of 1N, the extension was seen to be 1.6cm. The spring constant can be determine by using the formula of Hooke’s law;
F = kx
k = 1/0.016
k = 62.5 Nm-1
Calculating percentage deviation:
x 100% = 1.5%
The actual value and the theoretical value is not that far and only 1.5% in the percentage deviation. In conclusion, it can be said that this experiment is successful and the results are accurate.
The method and apparatus used worked well throughout the whole experiment. The results obtained are differ from the actual results. This is because they are maybe some mistakes were made during taking the reading or making the experiment works. There are some improvements that were made when collecting the data that were not stated in the original plan.

Parallax error occurs when reading the ruler which the recorder’s eye level is not perfectly perpendicular to the ruler.
The slotted mass were considered to be the same. Just one of the slotted mass was weighted and for one slotted mass the mass is 0.1kg. Without hesitation, the other slotted mass were all considered to be 0.1kg in mass too. This may have produced a systematic error, depending on how accurate the masses were and consistency of their inaccuracy.
When lighter slotted mass were used, the oscillations was so fast. Random errors can occur. Suggested that, the spring should be let to oscillation more so that the results will be more precise.

Suggested improvements
The investigation could has been more accurate and precise if the following modifications were to be taken:

Make sure that the eye is perpendicular to the ruler when taking the reading when doing the extension of spring. This will avoid parallax error.
Use another ruler to point at the ruler when taking the reading. This will aid to read the meter ruler easier and more precise. This will avoid parallax error.
To make the time taken more accurate, use ultra-sonic motion detector that is placed below the oscillating spring. The ultra-sonic motion detector will collect data more precisely because it does not involve the human interaction which is affected by human reaction.
Take more reading and take the average as the lesser the reading are taken, it will create more random errors.